The Road to Somewhere: The New Tribes Shaping British Politics
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- Author：David Goodhart
- ISBN：0141986972
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Summary
Many Remainers reported waking up the day after the Brexit vote feeling as if they were living in a foreign country。 In fact， they were merely experiencing the same feeling that many British people have felt every day for years。
Fifty years ago， people in leafy North London and people in working-class Northern towns could vote for a Labour party that broadly encompassed all of their interests。 Today their priorities are poles apart。
In this groundbreaking and timely book， Goodhart shows us how people have come to be divided into two camps: the 'Anywheres'， who have 'achieved' identities， derived from their careers and education， and 'Somewheres'， who get their identity from a sense of place and from the people around them， and who feel a sense of loss due to mass immigration and rapid social change。
In a world increasingly divided by Brexit and Trump， Goodhart shows how Anywheres must come to understand and respect Somewhere values to stand a fighting chance against the rise of populism。
Fifty years ago， people in leafy North London and people in working-class Northern towns could vote for a Labour party that broadly encompassed all of their interests。 Today their priorities are poles apart。
In this groundbreaking and timely book， Goodhart shows us how people have come to be divided into two camps: the 'Anywheres'， who have 'achieved' identities， derived from their careers and education， and 'Somewheres'， who get their identity from a sense of place and from the people around them， and who feel a sense of loss due to mass immigration and rapid social change。
In a world increasingly divided by Brexit and Trump， Goodhart shows how Anywheres must come to understand and respect Somewhere values to stand a fighting chance against the rise of populism。
Reviews
Paul Ince
，
I read this book after it was listed in a webinar I attended on false assumptions about audiences and whether we can really understand experiences we don’t share。 I was intrigued by the possibility it may give me an alternative perspective on why we are where we are。 As a liberal person， it certainly gave me that; it had me questioning whether I was really an Anywhere rather than a Somewhere and how Somewheres might feel about our current society。 I guess it has achieved an objective。 It’s a com I read this book after it was listed in a webinar I attended on false assumptions about audiences and whether we can really understand experiences we don’t share。 I was intrigued by the possibility it may give me an alternative perspective on why we are where we are。 As a liberal person， it certainly gave me that; it had me questioning whether I was really an Anywhere rather than a Somewhere and how Somewheres might feel about our current society。 I guess it has achieved an objective。 It’s a complex read and， having not read text like this in a while， it took me longer than I’d hoped。 It’s not a book to dip in and out of。 My bug negative was that， reading it during a lockdown， it was quite stark how some whole parts were no longer relevant （eg the chapter on work）。 。。。more
Karol
，
An interesting book， that offers a social theory that tries to explain the current political climate and society in general。 Backed by academic research， its a recommended read for everyone that tries to sort the mess we are currently in and seeks to understand how we got there。 A comprehensive look into identity politics。
Lewis Whelan
，
Goodhart's book is a much-needed antidote to the metropolitan stranglehold on public thought。 In this book， Blue Labour and traditional conservatism meet。 Many criticisms can be made of his theory， anywheres and somewheres， but there's definitely something that's deeply intuitive about this formulation。 His arguments are well-evidenced， if suffering from the usual limitations that are characteristic of political science， and they point straightforwardly to a number of sensible-sounding policy su Goodhart's book is a much-needed antidote to the metropolitan stranglehold on public thought。 In this book， Blue Labour and traditional conservatism meet。 Many criticisms can be made of his theory， anywheres and somewheres， but there's definitely something that's deeply intuitive about this formulation。 His arguments are well-evidenced， if suffering from the usual limitations that are characteristic of political science， and they point straightforwardly to a number of sensible-sounding policy suggestions which are detailed toward the end of the book。 All in all， the book provided me with an enlightening lens for analysing modern British society and the balance of political power within longstanding， stable and prosperous democracies。 It is also excellent as a collection of empirical data pertaining to sociopolitics。Even upon finishing the book， though， the nag will still remain: is this not just another divisive and ultimately inaccurate way of carving up the social world？ Another Us， another Them。。。 。。。more
Ellie
，
Interesting overview of many of the core social divisions in modern British society。 Fluently written and thought provoking。
Anders Sundell
，
Folket kan delas in i två stammar， "Somewheres"， vanligt traditionellt folk， hemmahörande till en viss plats， och "Anywheres"， som är mycket mer mobila， utan emotionella rötter。 Anywheres är en minoritet， kanske 25 procent， medan somewheres utgör ungefär 50 procent。 "Inbetweeners" är resten， alltså ca 25 procent。Orsakerna till uppdelningen har framförallt att göra med vilka möjligheter man har。 Om man har en fin utbildning och är attraktiv på arbetsmarknaden kan man röra sig fritt， och behöver d Folket kan delas in i två stammar， "Somewheres"， vanligt traditionellt folk， hemmahörande till en viss plats， och "Anywheres"， som är mycket mer mobila， utan emotionella rötter。 Anywheres är en minoritet， kanske 25 procent， medan somewheres utgör ungefär 50 procent。 "Inbetweeners" är resten， alltså ca 25 procent。Orsakerna till uppdelningen har framförallt att göra med vilka möjligheter man har。 Om man har en fin utbildning och är attraktiv på arbetsmarknaden kan man röra sig fritt， och behöver då inte bry sig om ett särskilt ställe。 Utan samma attraktivitet är man mer begränsad， och får då ett större intresse av att platsen man är kopplad till ska klara sig。 Skillnaderna yttrar sig både i ekonomi och psykologi， där "anywheres" har mer kosmopolitiska， progressiva värderingar。 Det kan givetvis också tänkas att underliggande personlighetsdrag hänger ihop med om man skaffar sig en utbildning - Goodharts främsta syfte är inte att förklara skillnaderna， utan att beskriva dem。Den stora poängen är att anywheres till stor del dominerat samhällslivet de senaste decennierna。 De har gått sin egen väg och drivit igenom massinvandring， liberalisering och globalisering， mot stora delar av folkets vilja。 Nu är en motreaktion på väg， och den syns tydligast i Brexit och valet av Trump， men även i val av andra populister， både "Decent populists" （enligt Goodhart） som tex UKIP och AfD， samt mer extrema partier。Goodhart är ute i samma ärende som bland annat Jonathan Haidt och Joseph Henrich， nämligen att visa att den progressiva， individualistiska och kosmopolitiska världsåskådning som enligt dem framställs som normal och allmängiltig inte är det。 Henrich visar att den framförallt gäller i väst， Haidt fokuserar på skillnaden mellan vänster och höger， och Goodhart på klasskillnader。 Goodhart har också ett mer ekonomiskt och politiskt fokus än Haidt。Som alla andra sådana här böcker blir den naturligtvis svepande， även om Goodhart backar upp med mycket siffror。 Vissa delar lämnas naturligtvis också ute。 I diskussionen om jämställdhet säger Goodhart att den feministiska satsningen för att kvinnor ska ta större plats i arbetslivet drabbar barnen， mot kvinnornas vilja。 Men han säger bara i en bisats att "män har inte i någon större utsträckning börjat ta ansvar för hem och familj" och ifrågasätter inte det mera。 Beroende på vad man väljer att hålla konstant kommer man självklart till olika slutsatser。Överlag är det dock kraftfulla argument， framförallt i kritiken mot social mobilitet som （enda） politiskt ideal。 Alla kan inte vara strebers och go-getters， i alla fall inte lyckade sådana。 Hälften av befolkningen har per definition förmågor som ligger under medianen。 De måste också få ha ett värdigt liv。För den som söker avfärda Goodhart finns det gott om okänsliga （orädda？） formuleringar att skjuta in sig på， men det vore att göra det lätt för sig。 Om man vill förebygga nästa Brexit eller Trumpval räcker det inte att mästra den stora skaran Somewheres。 。。。more
Douglas
，
An enlightening book， but it left me wondering many things， just a few of which are below。First， it seemed important to Goodhart's arguments that the Somewheres:Anywheres ratio was 2:1， that some other division of those "in control" and those "feeling frustrated" that would have the number of those "in control" markedly smaller than the other group。 The missing quarter， the in-betweens are hardly discussed。 This trick makes the 2:1 ratio seem that much stronger so that we focus on Anywhere domin An enlightening book， but it left me wondering many things， just a few of which are below。First， it seemed important to Goodhart's arguments that the Somewheres:Anywheres ratio was 2:1， that some other division of those "in control" and those "feeling frustrated" that would have the number of those "in control" markedly smaller than the other group。 The missing quarter， the in-betweens are hardly discussed。 This trick makes the 2:1 ratio seem that much stronger so that we focus on Anywhere dominance over Somewheres。 The actual closeness of the 52:48 Brexit vote （different any given week） and that the Trump presidency is due to the strange ways Americans pick their president （he lost the popular vote by 3 million and then 7 million） is glossed over。Second， Goodhart brings in "hard authoritarians" in such a way that they are <5%， always diminished。 Until the very end， when he combines multiple survey question answers to use death penalty support as a proxy for authoritarian strains and boom， a strong correlation with Brexit votes。 Numerous other articles have indicated authoritarian tendencies correlate with Brexit and Trump support， so to minimise its presence amongst Somewheres for most of the book is disingenuous。The same is true for attitudes toward race and ethnicity。 He always diminishes the proportion of "hard racists" （if that was the term he used） but 'yes' answers to questions like "Britain feels like a foreign country" and "I want to live in a neighbourhood where people look like me" are treated as natural and sensible， rather than at least borderline racist。 Structural racism is also something he hardly considers， instead preferring to put its results down to Anywhere social and immigration policies。 You will not find even a paragraph discussing negative effects of imperialism or the US's long history of slavery and then Jim Crow。 These both seem to have "ended" mid-20th century and are no longer a concern。 That we would be on shaky ground here was clear when within the first few pages， Goodhart cited the racist American sociologist Charles Murray， infamous author of The Bell Curve。Shifts in attitudes about LGBTQ issues is treated as indicating increasing general tolerance among Somewheres。 While the LGBTQ shift is true， it is not a proxy for race and ethnicity nor does it serve to erase structural issues。 Despite this， Goodhart uses it continually to soften the hard edges lurking in the data。Third， more to this point， he uses a lot of survey data and that is part of what made the book so enlightening， but he almost always handles it only one or two levels at a time: this portion thinks this， while that portion thinks that， with a smaller portion a more extreme view; or within this group， half think this way while in this other group， only one quarter think this way。 These surveys were sometimes conducted by him， and do not contain just one or two questions， they contain many。 Goodhart avoids discussions that involve more levels， more groupings of attitudes。 This simplifies things but in ways that explicitly serve his argument。 It weakens his treatment of authoritarianism， race and other issues; we are left wondering what differences between his Somewheres， Anywheres and In-Betweens actually exist。 We are only given the death-penalty v authoritarianism and Brexit vote taste mentioned above to suggest that there is a lot more we are not being told。 What is being left out likely puts large chunks of his Somewhere grouping in an unfavourable light。Fourth， Goodhart's "decent populism" is an extremely loaded term。 The Brexit， Trump， Poland and Hungary populisms have showed and are showing their ugly heads。 Goodhart does not discuss coarsening of attitudes on the street post-Brexit， Trump's white supremacy， the Poland and Hungary ruling parties both bending the mechanisms of state to cement their positions and increasing discrimination against convenient target groups。We have other examples last century of what a rather small portion of Somewhere-savvy， Anywhere-demonising populists are able to get done。 Goodhart writes the book as if it's the Anywheres doing the same now。 。。。more
Sung Won
，
세상에는 두 ‘부족’의 인간이 있다。 그들은 흔히 진보와 보수라고 불리기도 하고， "Prius or Pickup？"에서처럼 fluid와 fixed라고 불리기도 한다。 "The Road to Somewhere"에서는 그들을 anywhere와 somewhere라고 부른다。 애니웨어는 진보적이고 고학력이고 이동성이 강하고 변화와 다양성을 선호하고 성취욕이 강하며 도시에 산다。 반면 썸웨어는 보수적이고 저학력이고 안정을 선호하며 고향에 머무른다。 애니웨어는 인구의 20-25% 정도이고 썸웨어는 절반， 나머지는 중도층이다。 책을 읽는 사람들， 특히 이런 정치학/사회학 책을 읽는 사람들은 다 애니웨어다。 따라서 이 책은 독자를 애니웨어로 상정하고， 공간적/문화적 괴리로 인해 그들이 살면서 만날 일이 별로 없는 썸웨어란 어떤 사람들인지를 이해시키는 것을 목표로 한다。 따라서 원제인 "The Road to Somewhere"도， 번역판의 제목인 "엘리트가 버린 사람들"도 더없이 적절한 제목이다。2 세상에는 두 ‘부족’의 인간이 있다。 그들은 흔히 진보와 보수라고 불리기도 하고， "Prius or Pickup？"에서처럼 fluid와 fixed라고 불리기도 한다。 "The Road to Somewhere"에서는 그들을 anywhere와 somewhere라고 부른다。 애니웨어는 진보적이고 고학력이고 이동성이 강하고 변화와 다양성을 선호하고 성취욕이 강하며 도시에 산다。 반면 썸웨어는 보수적이고 저학력이고 안정을 선호하며 고향에 머무른다。 애니웨어는 인구의 20-25% 정도이고 썸웨어는 절반， 나머지는 중도층이다。 책을 읽는 사람들， 특히 이런 정치학/사회학 책을 읽는 사람들은 다 애니웨어다。 따라서 이 책은 독자를 애니웨어로 상정하고， 공간적/문화적 괴리로 인해 그들이 살면서 만날 일이 별로 없는 썸웨어란 어떤 사람들인지를 이해시키는 것을 목표로 한다。 따라서 원제인 "The Road to Somewhere"도， 번역판의 제목인 "엘리트가 버린 사람들"도 더없이 적절한 제목이다。2016년 트럼프 당선과 브렉시트의 충공깽 후 포퓰리즘은 정치학/사회학에서 가장 핫한 주제가 되었다。 （그나마 다행인 것은 그 후 애니웨어들 사이에 썸웨어를 이해하고자 하는 열망이 고조되었고， 이런 책들이 쏟아져나왔다는 점이 아닐까。 ） 흔히 브란코 밀라노비치의 ‘코끼리 곡선'에 따르면 1988년~2008년 사이의 세계화의 결과， 가장 경제적으로 손해를 본 것은 부유한 나라의 저소득층이었다。 따라서 브렉시트나 트럼프의 당선은 세계화에 반대하는 썸웨어들의 이유있는 반란이었다。 애니웨어와 썸웨어를 가르는 가장 뚜렷한 기준은 이민에 대한 찬반과 학력이다。 브렉시트는 뚜렷하게 계급적 이해가 반영된 투표였는데， 가장 뚜렷한 경향은 소득이나 직업보다 교육 수준에 따른 투표 경향이었다。 이 점은 피케티의 "자본과 이데올로기"에서 진보정당의 지지자가 점점 더 고학력 - 고소득이나 고자산보다는 - 이 되는 경향과 일치한다。저자는 애니웨어에게 유리한 세금， 교육， 복지 정책을 썸웨어를 위한 방향으로 바꾸어야 한다고 말한다。 저자는 애니웨어는 썸웨어를 ‘계몽'시켜서 애니웨어로 만들려고 하지만， 썸웨어는 애니웨어가 되지 않는다고 한다。 고개를 끄덕이면서 읽다가도， 여성과 가족에 대한 챕터에서 썸웨어 여성의 입장은 도저히 받아들이기 어려웠다。 썸웨어에 대한 나의 이해는 아직은 부족한 것 같다。 。。。more
Achtung Englander
，
What lets this book down is that events are never static and as time progresses society inevitably changes with it。 Written just after the Trump victory and the Brexit vote of 2016， it goes to explain how British society ended up as it did back in 2017。 Social mobility， immigration， social cohesion， education， the rise and fall of industries， and the shifting fortunes of political parties all get their time in this book。 Goodhart throws in a lot of statistics that feel dated already， especially What lets this book down is that events are never static and as time progresses society inevitably changes with it。 Written just after the Trump victory and the Brexit vote of 2016， it goes to explain how British society ended up as it did back in 2017。 Social mobility， immigration， social cohesion， education， the rise and fall of industries， and the shifting fortunes of political parties all get their time in this book。 Goodhart throws in a lot of statistics that feel dated already， especially given the Covid-19 pandemic， the collapse of Labour in 2019 and Trump's subsequent loss in the 2020 election where the majority of Americans turned down his mandate。 So much as happened in 4 years that the book feels out of date already。 His theory is a good one。 Somewhere people voted Brexit because society made them that way while Anywhere people voted Remain because they have the social and economic advantages denied to the Somewheres。 He may not be wrong。 After reading Angryonomics by Eric Lonergan and Blyth Mark I felt that was a better book in describing the anger which resulted from the political turbulence of 2016。 Would I recommend this book？ Yes provided you read it within 10 years of its publication otherwise it is best categorised as "history"。 。。。more
Corey Astill
，
Great framing: Anywheres vs Somewheres。 While not perfect， Goodhart's analogy provides important insights into the present populist moment。 Great framing: Anywheres vs Somewheres。 While not perfect， Goodhart's analogy provides important insights into the present populist moment。 。。。more
Monica
，
I suspect this book will seem less relevant and urgent in i few years from now， but right now it is a very sharp analysis of European populism-growth。 Although almost all examples are taken from a British context， many of Goodhart's theories can be translated into other European situations。 I suspect this book will seem less relevant and urgent in i few years from now， but right now it is a very sharp analysis of European populism-growth。 Although almost all examples are taken from a British context， many of Goodhart's theories can be translated into other European situations。 。。。more
Stephen Colquhoun
，
Voted Brexit，not wholly sure why but got the impression that this European experiment only benefited the rich and cosmopolitans not me。Paying billions into a fund you had no say over-why？ The book does does a good job of explaining the disconnect between north and south，rich and poor，young and old etc with a lot of stats，graphs which lost me a times。 He could have summed it up by saying 'everyone has an opinion'。 Voted Brexit，not wholly sure why but got the impression that this European experiment only benefited the rich and cosmopolitans not me。Paying billions into a fund you had no say over-why？ The book does does a good job of explaining the disconnect between north and south，rich and poor，young and old etc with a lot of stats，graphs which lost me a times。 He could have summed it up by saying 'everyone has an opinion'。 。。。more
Colby
，
90pp would have done the trick， but hat's off for labelling and shaping the distinction。 90pp would have done the trick， but hat's off for labelling and shaping the distinction。 。。。more
Mairead Hill
，
I honestly knew this book wouldn’t be for me when the introduction just seemed to be the author bragging about how right he is。 The second clue this book wouldn’t be for me was when the author said something along the lines of my daughters are treated exactly the same （by society） as they would be if they were sons instead。 I wish feminism had got this far。 This was proceeded by the chapter on “family” which didn’t examine why maybe it was important for woman to have a job， in an ideal world yes I honestly knew this book wouldn’t be for me when the introduction just seemed to be the author bragging about how right he is。 The second clue this book wouldn’t be for me was when the author said something along the lines of my daughters are treated exactly the same （by society） as they would be if they were sons instead。 I wish feminism had got this far。 This was proceeded by the chapter on “family” which didn’t examine why maybe it was important for woman to have a job， in an ideal world yes it would be nice to spend more time with children but for some women economic independence is necessary and economic independence or equality isn’t relying on the government for a tax cut to stay with your partner。 There just wasn’t very many solutions in this book it was just him moaning and the author quoted an awful lot of Tory MPs for someone who is supposedly labour。 I still didn’t really understand what his issue was with immigration in one chapter he said so now we can see mass immigration is not good for economic and social reasons。 How can I see that where did you explain that？ Immigrants mainly come here with a job secured it was stated in this book so surely they are paying taxes and if they are paying taxes why not use those taxes to build new hospitals and schools why is the government not doing this？There was nothing on how the press and government have been using immigration as a scapegoat for years。 How that might have caused people to vote leave。 If we have an ageing population how are taxes from immigrants not going to help fund pensions which is often included in figures to tar immigrants as if we have some massive benefits system which must have huge amounts of fraud。 The status quo should have been looked at more as an issue causing “somewhere/anywhere” divide。 Has the author ever been to Boston the town infamous for voting to leave with such vigour， a town that hasn’t seen its heyday since the war which was probably the last time that area had any decent investment。 The last straw was the whole pages of statistics， did the publishers advice against tables or graphs？ The information was impossible to take in and also reams of statistics really aren’t that interesting to read unless the numbers are surprising， just nothing of interest was in this book。 。。。more
Ben Duncan-Duggal
，
Pretty awful。 Very readable， but the book could basically have consisted of the words 'I'm a bit socially conservative'。 This would have saved everyone time。 Pretty awful。 Very readable， but the book could basically have consisted of the words 'I'm a bit socially conservative'。 This would have saved everyone time。 。。。more
Jonathan Mccombie
，
Great book， perfectly encapsulates modern politcal issues and the gap between traditional socially conservative views and modern left liberalism。 Really good means of understanding the current political tribes and also why seismic events like the election of Trump and Brexit happen。
Andrew Figueiredo
，
David Goodhart's book was referenced in way too many other books for me not to read。 His somewhere/anywhere divide is a great way （albeit a tad nebulous） to divide class in Western democracies like the US and the UK。 It's a dynamic that exists all around the world， and Goodhart's contribution to the debate from a British lens is important。 Others draw similar lines: Lind has his managerial elite， Kotkin his clerisy， Guilluy his and Goodhart his France Metropolitaine。 Each differs slightly， but t David Goodhart's book was referenced in way too many other books for me not to read。 His somewhere/anywhere divide is a great way （albeit a tad nebulous） to divide class in Western democracies like the US and the UK。 It's a dynamic that exists all around the world， and Goodhart's contribution to the debate from a British lens is important。 Others draw similar lines: Lind has his managerial elite， Kotkin his clerisy， Guilluy his and Goodhart his France Metropolitaine。 Each differs slightly， but they drive at the same point。 A well-educated， mobile， globally-oriented， socially woke elite constructed with working and middle-class denizens who value tradition， family， and country。 Goodhart's somewheres are "uncomfortable about the modern world， have a more 'fellow citizens first' view of national identity， and are prepared to sacrifice liberty for security" （66）。 Importantly， somewhere make up a larger part of society than most admit。 Most aren't "hard authoritarians"， just as many anywhere aren't fully unmoored from national identity。 Goodhart does a good job empirically showing how large the somewhere class is。 Yet they lack representation （outside of the occasional outlet like UnHerd）。 Lind makes a similar point that elite institutions ignore prevailing working/middle-class views of globalization and other issues。 This leads to flawed policymaking that in turn creates division and a sense of disillusionment among the working class。 This fuels populist sentiment。Goodhart chronicles how anywhere preferences， reflecting an urban elite， came to define British policy towards the EU， migration， education， and family。 The anywhere agenda， though， was not shared by somewhere。 This led to a hollowing out of middle-class jobs， an under-focus on apprenticeships， and policies that undermine family formation。 At the end of the day， this， as many other books I've read recently， supports my idea that populism comes down to a lack of control as well as the sense of being ignored by elite classes。 Goodhart's solution is more fulfilling than Kotkin's to neo-feudalism。 Goodhart suggests a new path forward that incorporates elements of the somewhere agenda。 He seeks to recognize that the nation-state and citizenship still matter， that policy should support the family， that social mobility can have pernicious effects on those left behind。 We don't need to turn back the clock。 Instead， Goodhart urges a more inclusive politics that recognizes somewhere concerns and incorporates their agenda。 Of course， there's a tension， but somewheres aren't going away anytime soon。 The author even notes that immigrants tend to lean somewhere in their own preferences， despite being in Britain due to anywhere openness！ So it's time for anywheres like myself （although I harbor many somewhere characteristics） to listen and adjust。 。。。more
Jonatan
，
A solid book on contemporary populism in the western democracies at large， and Britain in particular。You can choose to read it as a political statement on 'why the left is wrong'， or as a contemporary analysis of the political situation。 Funnily enough， if you pick the former， you fall into the trap of populism - which is the very thing that the book is all about。 Instead， I'd recommend the latter。 As such， The Road to Somewhere happens to be a great book。 A solid book on contemporary populism in the western democracies at large， and Britain in particular。You can choose to read it as a political statement on 'why the left is wrong'， or as a contemporary analysis of the political situation。 Funnily enough， if you pick the former， you fall into the trap of populism - which is the very thing that the book is all about。 Instead， I'd recommend the latter。 As such， The Road to Somewhere happens to be a great book。 。。。more
Roland
，
A Great few chapters at the start with overview of his system and great concepts explained。 But gradually， unveiling numbers and stats after stats， chapters after chapters。。。
Conor Sullivan
，
In this book Goodhart presents a very convincing exploration in to the Anywhere-Somewhere dichotomy which he claims divides contemporary British politics and how the relative influences and flexes of those who fall into each category have shaped the policies of recent governments。 One thing that sets this book apart from many others that attempt an evaluation on this particular topic is the sheer range of facts and figures used to demonstrate， if not prove， the existence of the chasmic divide in In this book Goodhart presents a very convincing exploration in to the Anywhere-Somewhere dichotomy which he claims divides contemporary British politics and how the relative influences and flexes of those who fall into each category have shaped the policies of recent governments。 One thing that sets this book apart from many others that attempt an evaluation on this particular topic is the sheer range of facts and figures used to demonstrate， if not prove， the existence of the chasmic divide in Britain - as well as in most developed nations - which presaged the populist revolt that is currently underway。 In addition to this， unlike many other authors， he actually proposes a wide array of potential policy solutions to the problems he identifies。 The surgical examination of British society undertaken in this book is commendable; it touches on the results of policy decisions taken decades ago， how the transition away from an industrial society to a knowledge-based economy has left many areas of the country behind and on the impact of concerted attempts to undermine traditional values， such as those to do with the nuclear family and gender roles。Goodhart starts by presenting and analysing the social， cultural and economic reasonings behind the two competing demographics， which he calls the ‘Anywhere’ and the ‘Somewhere’。 The broad definition he gives to these groups is that the Anywhere demographic are progressive individualists ‘who regard society as a shop’， whereas the Somewhere demographic are decent populists who ‘regard it as a home’。 As well as framing the beliefs of these two groups through the use of data related to the reasonings above， he also provides a psychological analysis whilst acknowledging throughout that both are legitimate worldviews。 Moreover， he outlines the hardline subgroups within both the Anywhere and Somewhere groups - the ‘Global Citizens’ and the ‘Hard Authoritarians’， respectively - and suggests what proportion of the population fall into each category， as well as stating which is the current worldview of the influential。This book， like many others since the Brexit vote and Trump election， suggest a significant silent majority protest vote served as a backlash to the traditional left-right political divide and marks the rise of the culture and identify challenge， aimed at reining in the prevailing globalist headstrong liberalism we see today。 Thankfully， despite having noted the backlash was in many instances identify driven， he uses the facts to suggest that it was not racism or xenophobia that led to the vote but a human psychological longing for community and against a system， in globalism， that has failed a significant proportion of the populace。 Since the push for ‘hyperglobalisation’ began in the ‘80s， out of all the groups in the world it is only the middling and low income groups in rich developed countries that have seen no economic benefit， instead seeing zero income growth。 Furthermore， in that same time period， contrary to all predictions， the number of low-skilled， low-paid jobs has grown to constitute between 25-40% of the British workforce。 Is it any wonder， then， that the silent majority in these nations feel they have been failed by an economic system favoured by the mostly Anywhere political class？This is certainly a book that will bruise the ego of any politically intolerant， entitled Anywhere - the type who would （now） cry foul at the sentiments found in Gordon Brown’s， now infamous， ‘British jobs for British workers’ speech。 Is this not a perfectly reasonable attitude for a national government to hold？ Indeed， Goodhart shows the general Anywhere attitude that promotes the inherent good in openness - and， so， tirelessly upholds the value of mass migration - ends up being at the direct expense of the national working class citizen and closes off their opportunity for social mobility。 This is shown by the fact a third of the production workers in Britain’s biggest manufacturing industry （food and drink） are now Eastern European whilst so many citizens are unemployed。 Doesn’t a country have a duty to help its citizens first and foremost？ This book makes no attempt to mollify the Anywhere adherents and political elite for their querulousness， instead lambasting them for the way they prevaricate when the question of the legitimate interests of citizens is dared to be asked。 Seen in this way， Goodhart shows very clearly that the Brexit vote was an act of nemesis。Very early on he makes the observation that in relation to immigration ‘the left abandons its normally social and communitarian instincts and becomes libertarian in its individualism’。 Although a striking observation， I can’t help but think he didn’t explore this far enough。 It is not simply that the left has become individualistic but， rather， that as the traditional right has continued to cede ground to the left and allowed ever more rights to be considered inalienable， even when the policies themselves are not widely popular （as he shows in his chapter on the family life）， they have enabled the left to remain viewed as moderate whilst actually becoming increasingly more extreme。 This is something the growing body of graduate firebrands and radicals have maniacally seized upon， with us now witnessing almost weekly appearances of young avowed communists on our television screens （at least pre-lockdown）。The debate around social mobility was perhaps the most interesting and insightful observation made in this book （although， the whole book is interesting） and that I have read in a long time。 It hadn’t occurred to me that the promotion of a meritocratic society might legitimise inequality and reduce empathy for the poor。 I can’t help but see， particularly in the transition of the Labour Party’s main aims， how the cause of the working class against the very real wealth privilege has mostly been abandoned for a new cause of racial social justice， even though I believe any honest observer would see that the claims of ‘institutional racism’ and ‘white privilege’ don’t stand up to any scrutiny。 In fact， the hypocrisy of the mainly wealthy， metropolitan social justice Anywheres is made abundantly clear in the fifth chapter - ‘A Foreign Country？’ - when Goodhart provides us with the survey data for the attitudes and actions of these faux bleeding heart types， and when he quotes Michael Young who opined that “[t]he holders of the power and possessors of wealth [the Anywheres] need， in all societies， to have the assurance of the best of moral titles to their fortune”。On the whole， I found it a little frustrating that in the beginning he was prone to repeating some of the figures: I must have read that the BNP got a million votes in the 2009 European elections five times！ I also found it a touch ironic that an Old Etonian was rallying against the emerging hyper-liberalism and suggesting that the disappearance of a distinctive working class culture and identity （thanks to the achievement culture） does not serve in the best interests of the working class。 In fact， I could only laugh when I read his proclamation that ‘[s]ocial mobility and meritocracy are never， thankfully， fully obtainable but should always be aimed at’， even though I agree。 。。。more
Liam Kerrigan
，
I was torn between two or three stars for this book。 Either way， I can’t say I was hugely impressed。The categories of ‘Anywheres’ and ‘Somewheres’ seem ill-defined to the point of redundancy。 This is compounded when the author adds the majority category of ‘Inbetweeners’ （as the name would suggest， existing between the two aforementioned categories）， but says that the majority of people who exist within the ‘Anywheres’ or ‘Somewheres’ will not necessarily fit within that category for every issue I was torn between two or three stars for this book。 Either way， I can’t say I was hugely impressed。The categories of ‘Anywheres’ and ‘Somewheres’ seem ill-defined to the point of redundancy。 This is compounded when the author adds the majority category of ‘Inbetweeners’ （as the name would suggest， existing between the two aforementioned categories）， but says that the majority of people who exist within the ‘Anywheres’ or ‘Somewheres’ will not necessarily fit within that category for every issue or belief。 Surely this implies almost everyone is an ‘Inbetweener’， save for fringe extremists？At any rate， what exactly an ‘Anywhere’ or a ‘Somewhere’ is is never made explicitly clear。 At some points the author seems to imply it is a distinction of Liberalism vs Authoritarianism， but then even this does not always seem to apply。 What the author does attempt to do with this new distinction is to show that politics is no longer a left-right divide， or a class divide。 That the old political allegiances that Parties always thought they could rely on have started to break down。 This was perhaps clearly demonstrated in the crumbling of Labour’s so-called ‘Red Wall’， losing seats to the Conservatives that have been Labour strongholds for multiple generations in the 2019 general election。But to make this observation after the Brexit vote feels rather like stating the obvious。 In fact the author highlights the infamous “bigoted woman” incident suffered by Gordon Brown back in 2010， some six years before the Brexit vote。 And UKIP’s subsequent growth in the years leading up to the referendum only made this shift more explicit。 The author makes valid points about the rate of change and his comments on the educational divide ought to be taken seriously。 The lack of vocational courses and the absence of mid-level jobs to allow unqualified individuals to progress in workplaces by gaining experience and climbing the corporate ladder are areas that must be addressed。However， it is clear where the author’s personal views sit （though credit is due， he does not obfuscate or pretend otherwise） and I feel that， were he not clearly batting for one side his analysis might deserve more credibility。There is not enough consideration of the impact of the financial crash， followed by a decade （so far） or crippling austerity measures。 The author does not seem to consider the fact that the talking points of the most prevalent media outlets and commentators form the basis of the ‘Somewhere’ ideology （welfare scrounges， anti-immigrant， pro-death penalty， etc。） and that perhaps， rather than “Anywhere overreach” this might have had *something* to do with it。 Likewise， in his discussions on the Brexit vote I think it might be worth mentioning that the EU was a scapegoat for government’s failures and difficulties for years now， which is easy and consequence-free when no one really understands what it is or does （and I include Remainers in that）。 Moreover， the author doesn’t mention the fact polling often shows that the British public is terribly misinformed - and whilst the backlash of the ‘Somewheres’ is based on real feelings， these feelings are sometimes caused by false facts and real ignorance。 For example， a survey done in 2013 showed people thought benefit fraud was over 30-times higher than data suggests; they thought the proportion of the population who were immigrants was more than double the actual figure; and over a quarter of people thought Foreign Aid was one of the top three items of government spending。It seems that many of the things the author details as being chief concerns of the ‘Somewheres’ is based on misapprehensions about how large an issue they actually are。 Yet the author insists we must give credence to these views。 He may well have a point that， if we continue to write-off these views we may be in for more Brexit-style shocks and political upsets， but I would argue that the larger issue and the greater priority is to challenge these views where they’re borne out of ignorance or misinformation， not to appease them。Much of the pain felt by these ‘Somewheres’ is real， though the culprits often misidentified largely at the behest of governments， aided and abetted by media outlets。 And there is something to be said about the rate of change and the intolerance of some on the left towards anyone who does not immediately agree， but this is a larger and messier and more complicated discussion than what this book allows， though the cultural divide it highlights may well shape politics for generations。 。。。more
Jon Wilcox
，
This review has been hidden because it contains spoilers。 To view it， click here。 There were some keen observations in this book: about the de-investment in skills， training and vocational careers in the UK since the early 1990s; about the increasing resentment of left-behind communities as de-industrialisation and the shift to a service economy with little forethought of the consequences left livelihoods damaged and identities dislocated; and about the mixed effects of globalization and concentration of wealth and opportunities in London。The fault line in British society ove There were some keen observations in this book: about the de-investment in skills， training and vocational careers in the UK since the early 1990s; about the increasing resentment of left-behind communities as de-industrialisation and the shift to a service economy with little forethought of the consequences left livelihoods damaged and identities dislocated; and about the mixed effects of globalization and concentration of wealth and opportunities in London。The fault line in British society over the last two decades - which became clear with the 2016 Brexit vote - that Goodhart maps out seem prescient enough， but his categories seem a little reductive if not simplistic。 In his sympathy for Somewheres he caricatures Anywheres and makes the flawed assumption that those that look outwards must be disconnected from those around them。 Moreover， his argument that Somewhere voices have been drowned out suggests that he hasn't picked up a copy of the Daily Mail， the Sun or the Telegraph in the last 15 years。Worth reading for the insights Goodhart undoubtedly offers， but to be taken with a healthy dose rather than a mere pinch of salt。（Full disclosure: Perhaps as a humanities graduate who grew up in the Blair years and voted Remain， I would say that！） 。。。more
Stephen Lockett
，
The author describes a quiet social revolution brought to its recent climax in the Brexit vote where more traditional values such as community and family have reacted against the Government’s globalisation and liberal style policies。 The book makes a good case that shows the political elite has been dominated since Tony Blairs Government by what he terms anywhere people that to a large extent ignored the somewhere people who were， it turned out， in the majority。 Most of the author's conclusions The author describes a quiet social revolution brought to its recent climax in the Brexit vote where more traditional values such as community and family have reacted against the Government’s globalisation and liberal style policies。 The book makes a good case that shows the political elite has been dominated since Tony Blairs Government by what he terms anywhere people that to a large extent ignored the somewhere people who were， it turned out， in the majority。 Most of the author's conclusions are supported by facts and figures gleaned from social researchers and surveys， which adds much credence to it。 。。。more
ChevalierBayard
，
Intéressant， surtout la première partie。 La seconde m'a quant à elle peut-être trop fait réaliser mon appartenance aux Partout。 Je n'ai pu m'empêche de trouver les conclusions biaisées et l'étude plus partielle。 Cela reste très intéressant au global。 Intéressant， surtout la première partie。 La seconde m'a quant à elle peut-être trop fait réaliser mon appartenance aux Partout。 Je n'ai pu m'empêche de trouver les conclusions biaisées et l'étude plus partielle。 Cela reste très intéressant au global。 。。。more
Fez Mez
，
3。5
Nicholas Little
，
In the aftermath of the 2016 Brexit vote， David Goodhart's book investigates why 52% of the population voted to leave the European Union， creating one of the greatest upsets in recent political history。 He dubs the EU leavers， 'Somewheres' and contrasts them with the liberal cosmopolitan Remainers， who are the contrasting tribe of 'Anywheres'。 Although Goodhart is part of the latter， this a remarkably sympathetic portrait of those millions who felt left behind by globalisation， and left out of a In the aftermath of the 2016 Brexit vote， David Goodhart's book investigates why 52% of the population voted to leave the European Union， creating one of the greatest upsets in recent political history。 He dubs the EU leavers， 'Somewheres' and contrasts them with the liberal cosmopolitan Remainers， who are the contrasting tribe of 'Anywheres'。 Although Goodhart is part of the latter， this a remarkably sympathetic portrait of those millions who felt left behind by globalisation， and left out of any debate about what it should mean for UK society。 He deftly dismisses the idea that they are economic losers fuelled by prejudice stupidly voting against their best interests， cynically hoodwinked by elite populists。 He describes the different world outlooks of those who as adults live within 10 miles of where they lived at 14， and those who went away for university and have stayed mobile。Goodhart following in the tradition of Jonathan Haidt seeks to build understanding in a polarised age。 Definitely worth a read。 。。。more
Philip Talmage
，
A thoughtful book， which must have surprised a number of "Anywheres" who could bring themselves to read it with open minds。 Maybe they'll have woken up to a bit of reality。 （I'm undoubtedly Anywhere - Oxford graduate， professional career and all that - but I "woke" in time to work for the ultimately victorious British "Vote Leave" campaign。）Goodhart is particularly strong on supporting and developing his views with the aid of surveys and statistics。 Weaknesses - such as they are - lie in the las A thoughtful book， which must have surprised a number of "Anywheres" who could bring themselves to read it with open minds。 Maybe they'll have woken up to a bit of reality。 （I'm undoubtedly Anywhere - Oxford graduate， professional career and all that - but I "woke" in time to work for the ultimately victorious British "Vote Leave" campaign。）Goodhart is particularly strong on supporting and developing his views with the aid of surveys and statistics。 Weaknesses - such as they are - lie in the last chapter， apparently written in something of a rush， which offers his ideas for policy developments， and the related fact that British politics have developed so much in the three years since The Road to Somewhere was published。A felicitous phrase from the book; "decent populism" offers a telling contrast with the Anywhere usage （e。g。 in The Economist） of the adjective "populist" as a pejorative attached to any policy or politician of whom they disapprove。With luck， we may soon see a new edition。 。。。more
Daniel
，
This is the seminal book about Brexit and post-Brexit Britain in the foreseeable future。 There are 2 groups of people:1。 Anywheres: went to other cities or counties to study。 Have college or postgrad degrees and work in the knowledge economy。 Live in vibrant cities。 Global outlook and often work in other countries。 Does not think it fair to favour fellow citizens。 Welcome immigration as they are not affected by the competition。 Support progressive causes。 Secure financially and furthermore marry This is the seminal book about Brexit and post-Brexit Britain in the foreseeable future。 There are 2 groups of people:1。 Anywheres: went to other cities or counties to study。 Have college or postgrad degrees and work in the knowledge economy。 Live in vibrant cities。 Global outlook and often work in other countries。 Does not think it fair to favour fellow citizens。 Welcome immigration as they are not affected by the competition。 Support progressive causes。 Secure financially and furthermore marry each other。 Promote personal choice in divorce but are often married traditionally themselves。 Dominant politically and constitute the leadership roles。 Condescending on Somewheres， labelling them as xenophobic racists。 Support meritocracy and make sure their children are well prepared。 Talk to their children with thousands of words and spend time with them。 2。 Somewheres: have only high school diploma and studied in local university。 Used to be middle class working in manufacturing but those jobs have gone to the robots or overseas。 Live in the country or small towns。 Dislike immigration as their competition， and cause employers to give up on training locals when they can employ cheap trained foreign labour。 Treasure community bonds， tradition and family connections。 Feel that fellow citizens should be favoured。 Financially insecure， especially the men whom no one want to marry。 So those men stay with their parents and play online games， or go into drugs， commit suicide or get jailed。 So lots of single moms。 Frustrated to be forgotten and voted Brexit。 Proud of their nation and heritage。 Have few control over their jobs and sometimes work 2 or 3 jobs。 No time for their children and only speak with limited vocabulary。 Brexit is only the start of this Road to Somewheres。 How to solve this schism？1。 Learn from the Germans: have polytechnics and vocational training because not everyone can go to a university。 2。 Provide alternate pathways for late bloomers or people from disadvantaged families。 3。 Support married couples financially so it makes sense to stay married than separated。 4。 Spend a lot more on the countryside and less on the cities。 5。 Start listening to the Somewheres and support them。6。 Cut immigration。 This is the primary reason for Brexit！ 。。。more
Jim Robles
，
Five Stars！ A great read for Liberal coastal elites who do not understand how they are regarded in the heartland。 The great divide in our current politics is between us "anywheres" and the "somewheres" who increasingly control the Electoral College and Senate。Certainly all of my friends who support Planned Parenthood should read this to gain some understanding of why our current lobbying efforts or so ineffectual and even counterproductive。"。 。 。 but if we are to be tough on populism we must be Five Stars！ A great read for Liberal coastal elites who do not understand how they are regarded in the heartland。 The great divide in our current politics is between us "anywheres" and the "somewheres" who increasingly control the Electoral College and Senate。Certainly all of my friends who support Planned Parenthood should read this to gain some understanding of why our current lobbying efforts or so ineffectual and even counterproductive。"。 。 。 but if we are to be tough on populism we must be tough on the causes of populism too--and one of those causes has been Anywhere over-reach" （5）。"Haidt was a liberal who began to study political psychology in order to help his tribe become more effective in its competition with conservatives。 Along the way， he became a centrist who believes each side sees some truths and ignores others" （28）。 Exactly！"Mainstream populist sentiment is a restatement of certain basic political intuitions that the dominant Anywhere classes have paid insufficient attention to: the importance of stability and secure borders， the priority of national citizen rights before universal rights， the need for narrative and recognition for those who do not easily thrive in more education-driven economies" （51）。"The Tories have the lowest proportion of graduates among party members out of all the main parties （38 percent to Labour's 60 percent）， which might be one of the secrets of their recent success--they often are Somewheres， albeit more affluent than most" （77）。"Professor Dani Rodrik points out that poor people in rich countries （meaning the bottom ten percent） are three times richer than rich people in poor countries （meaning the top 10 percent）" （82）。"As countries， and individuals， grow richer and more secure and more mobile their sympathies usually grow wider too" （109）。"We do know that people， especially poorer people， are acutely sensitive to free riding--。 。 。 。" （122）。"London exemplifies the emerging division between hierarchical， diverse cities and more equal less diverse hinterlands， pinpointed by Michael Kind" （135）。"Both the centre-left and centre-right critiques of modern capitalist economy take too little account of psychology" （150）。"And if people think the game is stacked against them， they often just refuse to play" （153）。"Politicians tend to look past group attachments and describe a frictionless society of individuals moving up the social hierarchy thanks to hard work or ability" （181）。 I have good friends whose four children seem to have decided to remain in the small town where they were born: that is a choice。"One of the consequences of double professional couples is that children from such couples have double the contacts and connections that they used to have; 。 。 。 。" （189）。"But so long as nearly 20 percent of pupils leave secondary school each year barely able to read or do simple sums the government should have one big and very simple social mobility policy: improve basic education at the bottom" （190）。"。 。 。 millions of children suffering the well-documented negative consequences of not being raised in a stable two parent family， 。 。 。" （197）。"But in Britain's case this spending has not caused the decline of the two parent family but it has certainly reinforced it" （202）。"It is now widely accepted that life outcomes are far better on average in married， two parent families 。 。 。" （203）。"In recent decades their has been a shift from regarding marriage as an institution for parents to raise children together in a spirit of companionship， to a more individualized conception where the emphasis is on how the emotional and physical needs of the individual are being met" （212）。"Slightly less than half of taxpayers are actually net contributors" （222）。 。。。more
Rae
，
I have updated to give an extra star because， although I disagree with much of what David Goodhart has to say， reading this book has helped me open my mind to perspectives that aren't mine。 It may have confirmed my own values rather than challenged them， but leaving the hive mind echo chamber of social media to explore other ideas is something of huge importance to me。 I have updated to give an extra star because， although I disagree with much of what David Goodhart has to say， reading this book has helped me open my mind to perspectives that aren't mine。 It may have confirmed my own values rather than challenged them， but leaving the hive mind echo chamber of social media to explore other ideas is something of huge importance to me。 。。。more
James Evans
，