Metternich: Strategist and Visionary
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- Author：Wolfram Siemann
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Summary
"A superb biographical portrait and work of historical analysis。。。Let us hope that it will serve if not as a manual then at least as an inspiration--good statesmanship is needed more than ever。"
--Brendan Simms， Wall Street Journal
"Brilliantly refreshes our understanding of Metternich and his era。。。[He] was an intellectual in politics of a kind now rare。"
--Christopher Clark， London Review of Books
"Succeed[s] in forcing readers to wonder whether Metternich's efforts to defend an essentially conservative order against populists and terrorists are so different from the struggles that liberal democracies face today。"
--Andrew Moravcsik， Foreign Affairs
Metternich is often portrayed as the epitome of reactionary conservatism， a ruthless aristocrat who used his power to stifle liberalism and oppose the dreams of social change that inspired the revolutionaries of 1848。 But in this landmark biography， the first to make use of state and family papers， Wolfram Siemann paints a fundamentally new image of the man， revealing him to be more forward-looking and nimble than we have ever recognized。
Clemens von Metternich emerged from the horrors of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars committed above all to the preservation of peace。 As the Austrian Empire's foreign minister and chancellor he was， as Henry Kissinger has observed， the father of realpolitik。 But short of compromising on his overarching goal， Metternich aimed to accommodate liberalism and nationalism。 Siemann draws on previously unexamined archives to bring this dazzling man to life。
Hailed as a masterpiece of historical writing， Metternich is indispensable for understanding the forces of revolution， reaction， and moderation that shaped the modern world。
--Brendan Simms， Wall Street Journal
"Brilliantly refreshes our understanding of Metternich and his era。。。[He] was an intellectual in politics of a kind now rare。"
--Christopher Clark， London Review of Books
"Succeed[s] in forcing readers to wonder whether Metternich's efforts to defend an essentially conservative order against populists and terrorists are so different from the struggles that liberal democracies face today。"
--Andrew Moravcsik， Foreign Affairs
Metternich is often portrayed as the epitome of reactionary conservatism， a ruthless aristocrat who used his power to stifle liberalism and oppose the dreams of social change that inspired the revolutionaries of 1848。 But in this landmark biography， the first to make use of state and family papers， Wolfram Siemann paints a fundamentally new image of the man， revealing him to be more forward-looking and nimble than we have ever recognized。
Clemens von Metternich emerged from the horrors of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars committed above all to the preservation of peace。 As the Austrian Empire's foreign minister and chancellor he was， as Henry Kissinger has observed， the father of realpolitik。 But short of compromising on his overarching goal， Metternich aimed to accommodate liberalism and nationalism。 Siemann draws on previously unexamined archives to bring this dazzling man to life。
Hailed as a masterpiece of historical writing， Metternich is indispensable for understanding the forces of revolution， reaction， and moderation that shaped the modern world。
Reviews
Matthías Ólafsson
，
Tímamótaverk en það þjáist af framsetningunni sem er aðeins of metnaðargjörn í blaðsíðutali en líka bara oft á tíðum frekar flöt og bitlaus。 Ég skimaði yfir suma kafla og reyndi að einblína á það sem mér sjálfum fannst áhugaverðast。 Kaflarnir um samtöl og samband hans við Napoleon voru mjög áhugaverðir t。d。 en á sama tíma fannst mér of mörgum blaðsíðum eytt í svolítið tæknilega hluti。 Sömuleiðis er söguskoðunin hér líka mjög fersk og vel rökstudd varðandi samtíma Metternich en fer kannski aðeins Tímamótaverk en það þjáist af framsetningunni sem er aðeins of metnaðargjörn í blaðsíðutali en líka bara oft á tíðum frekar flöt og bitlaus。 Ég skimaði yfir suma kafla og reyndi að einblína á það sem mér sjálfum fannst áhugaverðast。 Kaflarnir um samtöl og samband hans við Napoleon voru mjög áhugaverðir t。d。 en á sama tíma fannst mér of mörgum blaðsíðum eytt í svolítið tæknilega hluti。 Sömuleiðis er söguskoðunin hér líka mjög fersk og vel rökstudd varðandi samtíma Metternich en fer kannski aðeins of langt í að fegra ímynd hans á tíðum。 Ef framsetningin hefði verið betri og meira samanþjappaðri væri þetta solid fjarki en ég get því miður ekki gefið meira en þrjár hér。 。。。more
Turgut
，
The man was a genius。 And this is probably the best book about him in the English language。
Sarthak Bhatt
，
Metternich the strategist Metternich the diplomatMetternich the economist andMetternich the doctor。 I feel so sad Metternich was not born in the 21st century he could have solved np complete problems and cured cancer。 And would have taken down china easily。 A pathetic hagiography that's what this book is no wrong was ever done by Metternich and Napoleon was an evil maniac and all were inept except the womanising prince。 I'll admit I didn't get to the end I left it on page 600 I gave up because t Metternich the strategist Metternich the diplomatMetternich the economist andMetternich the doctor。 I feel so sad Metternich was not born in the 21st century he could have solved np complete problems and cured cancer。 And would have taken down china easily。 A pathetic hagiography that's what this book is no wrong was ever done by Metternich and Napoleon was an evil maniac and all were inept except the womanising prince。 I'll admit I didn't get to the end I left it on page 600 I gave up because the writing style is so boring that it took me 2 months to get there。 It seems that the author of this book has some beef with previous Metternich biographers as he spends 40% of the text shitting on them。 I can think of no guy who could make such an interesting period in human history so tediously boring。 。。。more
Bert
，
I would have expected a book this long to explain the main events and circumstances but it kind of assumes you know them already and it gives an updated defence of Metternich’s actions and thoughts based on a review of the family’s archive。 E，g Very few words were spend on the meeting with Napoleon in Dresden which is a main event on Youtube if you type in his name。 Still the information does give a very interesting insight into the time/culture in Europe。 If you can find a shorter version you s I would have expected a book this long to explain the main events and circumstances but it kind of assumes you know them already and it gives an updated defence of Metternich’s actions and thoughts based on a review of the family’s archive。 E，g Very few words were spend on the meeting with Napoleon in Dresden which is a main event on Youtube if you type in his name。 Still the information does give a very interesting insight into the time/culture in Europe。 If you can find a shorter version you should， but otherwise still well worth plunging in。 。。。more
Ginger Griffin
，
The last gasp of Europe's old feudal order。 When Metternich was born， the Holy Roman Empire was still creaking along （and his family owed their position to serving it）。 The French Revolution changed all that。 Austria bumbled into war with revolutionary France， setting off a series of wars that lasted over 20 years and drew in most of Europe。 When Napoleon came to power， he found a continent ripe for the picking。 His major continental opponents （Austria， Prussia， and Russia） squabbled among thems The last gasp of Europe's old feudal order。 When Metternich was born， the Holy Roman Empire was still creaking along （and his family owed their position to serving it）。 The French Revolution changed all that。 Austria bumbled into war with revolutionary France， setting off a series of wars that lasted over 20 years and drew in most of Europe。 When Napoleon came to power， he found a continent ripe for the picking。 His major continental opponents （Austria， Prussia， and Russia） squabbled among themselves and failed to coordinate their actions， so Napoleon was able to defeat them one by one。 By the time the dust settled after the Battle of Waterloo， millions were dead and entire societies disrupted。 （The coalition that finally defeated Napoleon probably wouldn't have succeeded had Napoleon's invasion of Russia not devastated French forces）。 Metternich was near the center of the action throughout all of this， rising to become Austria's foreign minister and eventually its chancellor。 After 1815， he played a leading role in restoring the pre-revolutionary status quo and dedicated much of his career to suppressing any nascent movement that might signal a return to social revolution。The author tries to soften Metternich's image as an arch-conservative， but fails to convince。 Admittedly， Metternich was dealing with the hide-bound and （literally） inbred Habsburg monarchy， which might have defeated even the most strenuous reformer。 And Metternich clearly was intelligent and discerning。 He ably defended Austria， because Austria's interests were his own （his wealth mostly derived from land ownership）。 But there's no denying the harsh censorship and repression that Metternich imposed -- which probably helped bring on， in 1848， the very revolution he was dreading。 （Though it's pointless to read 21st century ideas about politics into Metternich's era。 The agitators he was suppressing were no cherubs themselves。 Their nationalist movements were violent and anti-Semitic。）Metternich is often credited with creating a balance of power in Europe that produced （relative） peace for several decades。 But even that seems questionable。 In the decades after 1815， the continental European powers were exhausted by years of major warfare and were busy putting down internal rebellions; they mostly directed their military efforts at peripheral areas。 Once they had time to rest up， they were back at it。 The Crimean War erupted in 1853， roughly on schedule considering the circumstances。 。。。more
Jaap Hoogenboezem
，
This is the first biography of Metternich that is based on his personal papers and the archive of the Metternich family。 It shows: the image of Metternich is completely fresh。 Much of the work of earlier biographers is out of date now。 The biography is highly readable and extremely interesting。 It provides ample context - so it also serves as a primer of the Napoleonic wars and the period of the restauration and the rise of nationalism。 The biography does not spare Metternich， it gives a good po This is the first biography of Metternich that is based on his personal papers and the archive of the Metternich family。 It shows: the image of Metternich is completely fresh。 Much of the work of earlier biographers is out of date now。 The biography is highly readable and extremely interesting。 It provides ample context - so it also serves as a primer of the Napoleonic wars and the period of the restauration and the rise of nationalism。 The biography does not spare Metternich， it gives a good portrait of the man an his times。 。。。more
Ernst
，
The author has a compelling subject。 Author is solidly on Metternich's side -- his problematic relations with women are thrown together into one short chapter， much of which is dedicated to Metternich's ahead of his time views on women's ability to do jobs well which in his own time were reserved only to men。 Author's extensive archival research allows him to present new views on Metternich -- his military organizing， successfully restraining a Russian czar who was a terrible military leader， an The author has a compelling subject。 Author is solidly on Metternich's side -- his problematic relations with women are thrown together into one short chapter， much of which is dedicated to Metternich's ahead of his time views on women's ability to do jobs well which in his own time were reserved only to men。 Author's extensive archival research allows him to present new views on Metternich -- his military organizing， successfully restraining a Russian czar who was a terrible military leader， and his work leading up to 1848 which， in this book， ends with him being made to take the fall for the failure to enact needed policies which he had supported while the real culprits went unscathed。 The importance of Metternich's life to thinkers of the last 170 years is mentioned， but this could have been more detailed， and more speculation as to how the author's new interpretations of his subject might have changed the interpretations， or might change future interpretations would have been welcome。 。。。more
Chris
，
This was hard going， to be honest。 It didn't help that the translation into English from the original German was not always the best。 There were times I could quite see the underlying German so it had been translated more or less word for word， but this could give it a distinctly clunky feel to a native English speaker。 With regard to the content， again it could be a slog。 The author was at desperate pains at times to distance himself from previous biographers， and made it absolutely explicit ti This was hard going， to be honest。 It didn't help that the translation into English from the original German was not always the best。 There were times I could quite see the underlying German so it had been translated more or less word for word， but this could give it a distinctly clunky feel to a native English speaker。 With regard to the content， again it could be a slog。 The author was at desperate pains at times to distance himself from previous biographers， and made it absolutely explicit time and again that he though his predecessor biographers had got things wrong。 Fair enough， but at times it read like a polemic！ I was at times surprised that the large events in Metternich's long life were sometimes given very brisk treatment， as if the author was saying: I know you know everything about this war/battle/revolution， so I won't bore you by going over it again in detail。 But there were valuable insights into aspects of Metternich's life and thinking that were very new to me and the overall picture did make logical sense。 Metternich was not necessarily the curmudgeonly reactionary he is often painted as。 I suppose I would have preferred a more conventional narrative-history-type of biography。 Maybe that isn't the way of writing them in Germany。 。。。more
Robert
，
An insightful and revelatory biography about one of the more misunderstood statesman of the 18th and 19th centuries。
David Warner
，
For those awaiting a proper， full scale biography of Metternich that does justice to both his importance and considerable achievements， this book is a huge disappointment， not because it is yet another attack upon the conservative statesman， but because is a totally partial quasi- hagiography in which the hero cannot err， has incredible foresight， and all mistakes are the product of others who lack his seemingly superhuman skills。 By seeking to rescue Metternich from his detractors， and fight te For those awaiting a proper， full scale biography of Metternich that does justice to both his importance and considerable achievements， this book is a huge disappointment， not because it is yet another attack upon the conservative statesman， but because is a totally partial quasi- hagiography in which the hero cannot err， has incredible foresight， and all mistakes are the product of others who lack his seemingly superhuman skills。 By seeking to rescue Metternich from his detractors， and fight tedious battles with previous biographers， Wolfram Siemann， has so over-egged his pudding as to make it partly inedible， and， importantly， has done a grave disservice to Metternich himself， who does not require such partisanship， but， instead， only requires an objective examination of his life and the events of his age for his achievements to be validated， and his mistakes explained。Metternich is somehow presented as the sole mind who made possible the 1813-14 coalition against Napoleon and the general peace of 1815-48， and who even played a part in the military victories， when he was but one， although an important one， of the statesmen and generals that made these possible， and whose actions were more tactical than strategic。 Siemann's view both exaggerates Metternich's influence over politio-military affairs and at the same time undervalues his huge diplomatic success in both protecting the Austrian empire from French dominance and in managing a coalition of disparate states to the advantage of Austria and， in more general terms， Germany and Europe。 Siemann constantly attempts to paint Metternich as the strategist and visionary of his subtitle， when actually he was much more of a successful tactician and practical politician who while he maintained a general overview of how Germany should develop， did so so as to further the interests of the Austrian empire。 Siemann wants his hero to always appear as a great European confederalist， when in reality his prime motive was always the maintenance of Austrian influence and Habsburg hegemony over its multitude of territories and peoples， and in so doing he ascribes to this most practical and wily of foreign ministers an ideology and purpose unjustified by his actions， preferring instead to take at face value Metternich's own letters and memoirs to find in them a post facto truth not present in the actual decision making of the time。From the time of his appointment as foreign minister in 1809 to his fall in the March 1848 revolution， Metternich had two main concerns: one， the security of the Austrian empire under Habsburg monarchical rule; and， two， how to maintain this ethnically and linguistically diverse empire within an emerging German national identity， sparked initially by the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars， and made manifest by the foundation in 1815 of the German Confederation， which Metternich envisioned not as a framework for the development of a German nation， but rather as a means of reconciling disparate German polities under Austrian supremacy。 Metternich's problem was that his， Austrian vision increasingly conflicted with the aims not only of nationalists， but of other German states， Prussia predominantly， but also Bavaria and Württemburg， which did not include so many non-Germans within their borders。 And so， Metternich was occupied in maintaining a political system against the threats of nationalism， popular sovereignty， and democracy that， while in the shorter term preserved continental peace， was not over the longer term sustainable in light of the political ideas that emerged from the French Revolution， and which was not equipped for the social and economic challenges and developments of the nineteenth century， particularly the industrialisation of Prussia and the concomitant effects that had upon the balance of power in Germany。Siemann is right to deny that what Metternich sought after 1815 was a restoration of ancien régime Europe - he was a conservative not a reactionary - but the vision he had was still grounded upon the Austrian empire as the heir to the Holy Roman Empire， with Austria as the leading power in both a Germany and a central Europe based upon political structures of confederation and estates， and yet this increasingly became an unsuitable model in an age of liberalism， nationalism， and capitalism。 Metternich was incredibly successful in his defensive strategy until 1848， when the revolution he had so long sought to prevent toppled him from power， thereby testifying to the ultimate failure of his policies， and while it is true that there was no 'Metternich system'， nonetheless， Metternich maintained a conservative vision of Europe rooted upon a balance of power and aristocratic representation within monarchies that was entirely appropriate for 1813 to 1830， but could no longer be maintained in 1848。 Metternich was a man of his time。Indeed， Metternich was aware of the imitations of his policies， including the 'Congress system' he operated very successfully from 1814 to 1822， but which had to be adapted in the face of events which it could not control， beginning with Greek independence in the 1820s， and moving on to the overthrow of Charles X in 1830 and the foundation of Belgium the following year。 But， Metternich was no dogmatist， and he recognised where the settlement of 1814-15 had to be modified in the face of popular demands and when the five continental powers had to recognise and accept such alterations to the political settlement post facto。 The 'Congress system' served its immediate purpose， but after 1830 it was increasingly moribund， and was no longer suitable to the situation in which German national identity and demands for popular sovereignty were growing， and in which the foundation of the Zollverein in 1833 provided an alternative economic framework for German development that was predominantly intra-German not European in nature。 Metternich may have deplored this de-Europeanisation of the German question and how it unbalanced the continental power system， much to the disadvantage of Austria， and excluded great power congresses from its management， but nonetheless he accepted reality and tried his best to make of the new dispensation what he could until the 1848 Revolution brought down what remained of the political edifice he had constructed with the other powers in 1814-15。 If all political careers end in failure， how much is that true of Metternich in March 1848， forced to flee to England and deplored by the monarchy he had so faithfully served？ The Metternich dispensation simply could not hold in spite of the skills of its originator， and rather than providing an ultimate solution to German and continental problems， it only deferred their settlement in more aggressive manners， although providing at least a temporary period of peace。 If 1815-48 is a transitional period of European history， then Metternich's statesmanship must be seen as equally transitional， while the question remains， which the author in his hurried narrative of 1848 avoids， as to how far Metternich's conservative policies themselves motivated continental wide revolts。 What is clear is that however cogent Metternich's vision was of Europe， his practical policies were no longer suitable for the post-1848 age of liberalism and nationalism， and were powerless against the forces of industrial capitalism， self-determination， and democratic sociability which provided the challenges to European stability in the second half of the nineteenth century。Siemann makes an avid defence of Metternich's reaction to the murder of Kotzebue in 1819 and the resulting 1820 Carlsbad Decrees， but he singularly fails to establish that Metternich's actions were either proportionate to the threat or that there existed revolutionary conspiracies aimed at and with putative capability of overthrowing both monarchical government and the 1815 settlement， and he fails to consider how far the restrictions imposed influenced the 1848 Revolutions by instilling a feeling of political oppression amongst the politically aware， particularly in the cities and amongst students， that could only be alleviated by direct action。 There are many parts of Metternich's career that are worthy of praise， but Carlsbad is not one of them， and there is something frankly distasteful in a twenty-first century academic using abstract arguments to justify press censorship， the dismissal of liberal or nationalist professors， and the interception of mail， when these measures are best understood as an overreaction by Metternich and contemporary statesmen to isolated attacks and romantic nostrums based upon their memory of and the fears engendered by French revolutionary violence and war and by Napoleonic conquest。In the end， Metternich was a practical politician， and it was as this he was most successful， but even so his powers were limited， not only by the realities of continental diplomacy， but also the structures of the Hapsburg monarchy and Austrian empire he served。 The most important constraint was that offered by emperor Francis， whose primary instincts were the preservation of the Habsburg dynasty and the protection of his patriarchy， and it was he who both determined and circumscribed how much influence Metternich exerted within the empire， and who， despite their shared political affinities， quashed his attempts at administrative reform。 After Francis' death in 1835， the situation changed as a strong willed emperor was succeeded by the infirm and incapable Ferdinand， and power accrued to the archdukes and the council of which Metternich was a member， but which he did not control。 It is from this time that Metternich's rivalry with Kolowrat， finance and interior minister since 1826， becomes the dominant factor in internal Imperial disputes。 Siemann is ridiculously and relentlessly disobliging towards Kolowrat， the only Habsburg minister to rival his hero， and contradicts himself regarding the political system Metternich favoured。 Metternich was opposed to over-centralisation， representative parliaments and democracy， and instead supported monarchy and government of the Habsburg territories by their estates， and yet Siemann criticises Francis for impeding Metternich's proposed reforms and attacks Kolowrat， a Bohemian count whose power lay in his status within the Bohemian estates， for defending the estates and preventing economic reforms that would have lowered tariffs to the detriment of Bohemian landowners。 The author cannot have it both ways and cannot criticise the monarchical and estates government for thwarting Metternich， when Metternich himself supported those systems。 If the fault was in the monarchy， particularly with Ferdinand from 1835 to 1848， and with the provincial estates， of whom Kolowrat was an outstanding representative， then Metternich who was himself a member of the German and Bohemian estates was equally at fault for operating in and maintaining a system from which he drew his power。 If Metternich had not been the son of a count of the Holy Roman Empire， later raised to prince and rewarded with landed estates， as was his son later to be， then he would not have been elevated to the offices of foreign minister and chancellor。 He was a part of the very system that Siemann， in order to gratuitously malign Kolowrat， defames。This book， sadly， is not the biography Metternich deserves。 It is too partisan， too polemical， too short-sighted， and too ideological， painting a picture of Metternich as a supreme strategist and visionary， based overwhelmingly upon memoirs， letters， and self-appraisals post facto， that is unjustified by the evidence and which severely underestimates the constraints within which Metternich operated and his own conservative， imperial， monarchical， and aristocratic opinions， which were very much a product of his times， tempered as they were by Revolution and war。 Metternich was before all as a minister a servant of the Habsburgs and a representative of the German imperial nobility， and throughout his career he strove to retain as much of that monarchical-aristocratic power structure as he could until finally defeated by a revolution he had sought to prevent but in part had brought about。 Metternich was a great statesman and within his time achieved much and contributed to the restoration and maintenance of peace， but this is far from a great biography and it fails to do justice to the real achievements and the limitations of its fascinating subject。 。。。more
Diego
，
La extensa biografía de Metternich que produjo Wolfram Siemann merece toda la buena prensa que tiene en círculos académicos。 Es una lectura que además de adentrarse en la mente de Metternich y su visión de “fortaleza en la ley” en los distintos terrenos de su vida， nos permite conocer mucho de la vida política y cultural en los tiempos finales del Sacro Imperio Romano y posteriormente imperio Austriaco。 Es una ventana para conocer al viejo regimen europeo en la era de las revoluciones。 El period La extensa biografía de Metternich que produjo Wolfram Siemann merece toda la buena prensa que tiene en círculos académicos。 Es una lectura que además de adentrarse en la mente de Metternich y su visión de “fortaleza en la ley” en los distintos terrenos de su vida， nos permite conocer mucho de la vida política y cultural en los tiempos finales del Sacro Imperio Romano y posteriormente imperio Austriaco。 Es una ventana para conocer al viejo regimen europeo en la era de las revoluciones。 El periodo de las guerras Napoleónicas usualmente se le trata mucho más desde el punto de vista Frances e Inglés， los recuentos desde Rusia y Austria son más escasos pero son igual de importantes para entender las causas políticas y razonamiento detrás de la formación de las seis coaliciones que estarían en guerra contra Francia entre 1792 y 1815。 Esta biografía， desde los ojos de Metternich y el rol central que jugo en la diplomacia de la época y el armado de la coalición que finalmente derrotaría a Napoleón ayuda mucho a cubrir esta laguna en la literatura。 Al mismo tiempo es una gran lectura sobre el entendimiento del balance de poder en Europa y el sistema que surgiría después de la conferencia de Viena de 1815 y que salvo algunos episodios serviría para mantener la paz en Europa durante la mayor parte del siglo XIX。 Además de la ventana a la política y a la economía del periodo y del mundo Austriaco y de la confederación alemana， nos de los detalles sobre los intercambios entre las cortes de los principales potencias， las conversaciones entre Napoleón y Metternich y entre Talleyrand y Metternich y otros diplomáticos importantes del periodo como Castlereagh， Hardenberg， Nesselrode y el Zar Alexandro I。 Dado que Metternich tuvo una larga vida （más de 8 décadas） la biografía justo nos lleva a un periodo de transición entre el viejo mundo del Sacro Imperio Romano al mundo moderno de la Revolución Industrial y de la gran política Europea。 Una de las partes más interesantes es como Metternich famoso como símbolo de conservadurismo y del antiguo regimen era mucho menos conservador de lo que pensamos， sus ideas económicas eran más parecidas a las de List o Hamilton， sus ideas políticas si bien conservadoras al estilo de Burke no era radicalmente monárquico， al contrario encontraba en el feudalismo Europeo un problema serio y una fuente de inestabilidad política。Su desprecio por la Revolución Francesa no partía de un rechazo a sus ideas， el encontraba la revolución justificada en sus causas， la brutal explotación de las clases bajas， los abusos de poder de las élites。 Su rechazo venia de la guerra total que desato en Europa por veinte años y la imposibilidad de reconciliar un estado de e revolución permanente con un balance de poder entre los estados Europeos。 Para el el problema era como se lo dice a Napoleón en una de sus largas discusiones era: “que su paz solo era una tregua， siempre preparando el terreno para la próxima guerra。”Otra parte interesante es ver como en el funcionamiento interno del Imperio austriaco， un Estado plurinacional， con nacionalidades diferentes sin que ninguna sea un Estado pero donde cada una tenia cierta autonomía se encuentra un antecesor directo de la Unión Europea de nuestras días。 Es un gran libro， que vale mucho la pena leer con calma， para los que disfrutan de leer sobre relaciones internacionales， guerras， gran estrategia y la transformación social del largo siglo XIX， es una lectura imperdible。 。。。more
Dylan
，
This is a remarkable biography for a number of reasons。 It’s very dense with description， analysis， and narrative but does not read as a “heavy” or “academic” book。 The text is very accessible and the author write so clearly that complicated issues spread out over many pages are not lost。 On the subject of Metternich its striking how modern his visions of war， peace， social， and economic issues were。 His global outlook on how to preserve peace can be seen in many institutions today。 This is also This is a remarkable biography for a number of reasons。 It’s very dense with description， analysis， and narrative but does not read as a “heavy” or “academic” book。 The text is very accessible and the author write so clearly that complicated issues spread out over many pages are not lost。 On the subject of Metternich its striking how modern his visions of war， peace， social， and economic issues were。 His global outlook on how to preserve peace can be seen in many institutions today。 This is also the first perspective I’ve read on what a menace Napoleon was to Metternich’s concept of peace。 Most accounts of Napoleon speak to his strengths and this is an interesting account of being on the business-end of Napoleon’s empire。 I can’t recommend this book enough。 。。。more
Bakunin
，
What happens to a country after it has undergone a revolution？ And what happens if the revolution spreads to several neighboring countries？ How is order and its institutions to be maintained？ Seen from this perspective， the outcomes of the spread of such a revolution seem impossible to predict。 Therein lies a great danger。 This was very much what was Prince Klemens von Metternich's （1773-1859） mind; an Austrian diplomat who helped defeat Napoleon and create the "Metternich system" to balance pow What happens to a country after it has undergone a revolution？ And what happens if the revolution spreads to several neighboring countries？ How is order and its institutions to be maintained？ Seen from this perspective， the outcomes of the spread of such a revolution seem impossible to predict。 Therein lies a great danger。 This was very much what was Prince Klemens von Metternich's （1773-1859） mind; an Austrian diplomat who helped defeat Napoleon and create the "Metternich system" to balance power in Europe， a man who has been viewed as an arch-conservative and therefore an enemy of change everywhere。 I first came across his name when reading Kissingers "World order" and his political influence intrigued me。 It was hard to find a biography of the man （seems to be largely forgotten except in academic circles） and this book provides a somewhat revisionist account of the life & times of the man。 It was an interesting read but nevertheless （as all revisionist literature is） had a tendency to view its subject in too positive a light。 Having no other literature to rely on， it was difficult for me to know the veracity of certain statements。 Nevertheless it provided new light on a more forgotten chapter of history。 Klemens von Metternich was born into a diplomatic family whose children had served the Habsburg for at least a century。 Klemens was allowed to travel with his father on diplomatic excursions to the low countries （which were then a part of the Habsburg empire） where he could see politics in action。 The two defining events of his life were the French revolution and the military campaigns of Napoleon。 It is clear that Metternich had a lot to lose from the revolution （indeed everything that the family had fought for） and therefore it is easy to understand why from a personal perspective he would be against such a revolution。 But there is a much deeper concern here and that is one of stability。 Metternich spent his youth studying law and history。 In doing so he became something of a social scientist。 "A politician， [Metternichs teacher Koch said]， must look at history scientifically， establish its systematic and regular features， and search for casual connections。 If we consider his approach form today's perspective， but translate his concepts into modern methodology， then we get a politically minded social scientist， a Max Weber， who looks to history not for norms but for ideal types， in order to capture the complex empirical reality and "to organize it intellectually"。 （p。 59） In order to preserve order one first has to understand it as well as understanding the political underpinnings of the vast historical change the world seemed to be undergoing。 The French revolution was "not only a political revolution but in its essence a "social" revolution。 It wanted to topple the social order and the old law of Europe" （p。 71） Another way to express it is to say that it marked the birth of ideology。 Ideology， like religion， was destined to have a stronger appeal to people than that of traditional authority。 Metternichs view of the past was that societies evolved gradually and peacefully by making changes in the constitution。 When asked which nationality he would preferred had he not been Austrian he responded English。 His thinking was deeply affected by his travels to London where he got to meet Pitt and experience firsthand what it was English parliamentary system was like （he might even have met Burke）。 My interpretation of the Austrian diplomats views is that they came down to something closer to an idealism tamed by a certain pragmatism。 Idealism is the sense that as the enlightenment had provided a framework for understanding society and its development but one needs to be careful when implementing change all too quickly as that may lead to anarchy （or tyranny like in France during the reign of terror）。 That is also the danger of ideology as it provides an ideal view of society but not necessarily a view of how such a society would work in practice。 Metternich described a teacher （Friedrich Simon） he once knew who had become convinced of the righteousness of the revolution: "In Metternich's eyes， Simon was the prototype of a seemingly soft， commited do-gooder and revolutionary "fundamentalist"， in today's parlance， with a propensity to violence。 [。。。] Friedrich Simon was one of those characters who is easily inspired and gets carried away， who ruthlessly sacrifices victims in the name of the high ideals of humankind because the end seems to justify the means" （p。 77） （Simons line of thought might be summarzied with "fiat iustitia pereat mundi"， let justice be done， even if the world perishes）。 One can't help but feel that Metternich had a sense of responsibility that stretched beyond the constraints of the contemporary world。 To quote Yuval Levins book on the debate between Burke and Paine: "Burke sees society as a relationship not just between the living， but also between the living， the dead， and the people of the future。 Society exists not to facilitate individual choice but to meet the needs of the people， and to do so， it must draw on the wisdom available to future generations as well， supplemented by lessons learned by the current generation along the way" The connection to history and tradition therefore served as a framework which defined the edges of what was morally permissible。 Without that framework one risks the excesses of ideology。 The job of foreign politics can be summarized in this quote: "There are two ways of surveying an area: from a high mountain or from a point on the plane。 On my journeys， I made it one of my rules to choose the highest tower in the middle of a city still unknown to me as the destination of my first excursion。 Within a few minutes， I knew the city better than my fellow travelers who wanted to become familiar with is in a less arduous manner by walking through the streets。 [。。。] Of this perspective I have never since lost sight" （p。 90）Given this viewpoint， how should one handle Napoleon and his seemingly insatiable appetite for conquest？ One of the key takeaways from this book is the insight that Napoleon essentially exported the revolution countries around the world and therefore made the French revolution a world-wide phenomenon。 （One wonders what would've happened had foreign forces managed to invade France before the advent of Napoleon on the world stage）。 He did this by implementing constitutional changes to all the countries he vanquished as well as replacing the ruling elite with those friendly to France （and more importantly to Napoleon）。 There is always a risk in reviewing history as one already knows what will happen but for the contemporaries of Napoleon this was not the case。 For the people living in this time it was as much chance that determined the fate of the world。 Maybe if Napoleon had been slightly more humble he could've kept his empire （highly unlikely given his zest for power）。 The Napoleonic wars raged from 1803 to 1815 and shook the foundations of the European order。 I was more interested in the general essence of history rather than the details and the author of this book goes to great lengths to provide proof that Metternich was key in defeating Napoleon。 It is from this sense that we arrive at perhaps what Metternich is most famous for: realpolitik。 Metternichs diplomacy consisted of long-term strategic planning。 In order to defeat Napoleon one needed to have the patience to wait for the exact moment when he was weak enough to attack。 This proved difficult as Metternich needed to organize the other powers against its enemy which took much convincing （with repeated failures）。 After Napoleon was finally defeated at Waterloo Metternich along with the other European powers redrew the map of Europe the stability of which one could say lasted until the outbreak of World War 1。 I found an interesting definition of realpolitik on Wikipedia: Historian John Bew suggests that much of what stands for modern Realpolitik today deviates from the original meaning of the term。 Realpolitik emerged in mid-19th century Europe from the collision of the Enlightenment with state formation and power politics。 The concept， Bew argues， was an early attempt at answering the conundrum of how to achieve liberal enlightened goals in a world that does not follow liberal enlightened rules。 This view is more closely aligned with the politics pursued by Metternich。 He wanted to create an international law in order to hold countries accountable when they threatened the balance of power。 A prerequisite of this is however a shared sense of values。 This may be easier to do if the lingua franca is french and the political elite of each country has a similar taste in culture。 This order tended to be somewhat tenuous and required the finesse of politicians like Metternich and Bismarck in order to work。 This order was constantly threatened by nationalism and a certain type of liberalism。 Even though I found the book too long and too much eschewed in Metternichs favor， I was delighted that it provided a history which I had never read before。 The Austrian diplomat was not just an arch-conservative but rather a cosmopolitan who put national peace and rationality above national interests of states。 The history of the Habsburg is fascinating in itself and something which I regrettably know very little about。 I would recommend to anyone interested in the period and who wants to learn more about realpolitik。 。。。more
JP Mitton
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Wonderful biography of Clement von Metternich and his role in the politics of war and peace in the late eighteen and early nineteenth century Europe。 One of the great diplomats of the last 250 years。
Andrew
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Metternich: Strategist and Visionary， by Wolfram Siemann is an interesting new account of Clemens von Metternich， the famous architect of the Congress of Vienna， and veteran statesman of the Austrian Empire。 This book begins by looking at the historiographic tradition of Metternich in biography。 Metternich has been vilified by scholars from the German Nationalist and Socialist schools of history， due to his promotion of Austrian Imperialism and his opposition to the French revolution， respective Metternich: Strategist and Visionary， by Wolfram Siemann is an interesting new account of Clemens von Metternich， the famous architect of the Congress of Vienna， and veteran statesman of the Austrian Empire。 This book begins by looking at the historiographic tradition of Metternich in biography。 Metternich has been vilified by scholars from the German Nationalist and Socialist schools of history， due to his promotion of Austrian Imperialism and his opposition to the French revolution， respectively。 In modern times， Metternich has been given a more rosy view by American statesman Henry Kissinger， who derived policy positions and international political ideas from studying both Metternich and Castlereagh， in promoting US foreign policy and systems of power politics。 Siemann seeks to revise the history of Metternich to create an account from the time and place that Metternich existed， without framing it in modernity or trying to capture Metternich in a particular historical school。 Metternich was an interesting character。 Born to a family of German's in service to the Hapsburg Empire， his father was a political fixer for the Hapsburg dynasty in the Holy Roman Empire， he was groomed into a diplomatic position。 He was educated in a modern， aristocratic school， whose teachers were sympathetic to the French revolution。 However， Metternich developed a political ideology based on the German Holy Roman constitution， his families aristocratic ties to the Estates General， his time and respect for the English constitution， and Austrian Imperialism。 His first jobs were in revolutionary Europe， working for his father as Belgium and the Netherlands fell， and the family lost their familial holdings in the Left Bank of the Rhine and in Bavaria。 Metternich achieved higher power in 1809 during the fourth coalition war against Napoleon， with previous history as the Austrian Ambassador to Dresden， Berlin and Paris。 Finally， he returned as Minister of Foreign Affairs， guiding Austria through the final years of the Napoleonic Wars。 His deft handling of Austria's isolation gained him favour with Napoleon through a marriage alliance with Austria， and the repeated active neutrality with Russia and Prussia。 His principle， the Kruener Strategy， allowed Austria to play the loyalty card with Napoleon。 Napoleon then moved on to attack Russia。 Metternich's strategy was a wait and see approach， monitoring the progress of the Russian War。 When things began to turn for Napoleon， Metternich quickly began negotiations with England and Prussia to attack while Napoleon was weak。 Through a protracted series of battles， Austria and her coalition partners finally managed to defeat Napoleon， returning lost territories to Prussia， Russia and Austria， and dismantling the system of vassals Napoleon had set up across Europe。 Metternich remained in power in Austria until 1848， guiding the country through a conservative/autocratic style。 He remained close to the Emperors， but was able to sideline the old absolutist politicians in the Empire。 He sought to cement Austrian power by reworking the internal systems in the Empire to ensure rights were respected for the Empires numerous nationalities。 The press was curtailed as well。 Metternich sought to industrialize Austria， supporting the construction of factories and manufacturies， engaging in global trade， and increasing the administrative efficiencies of the Austrian Empire。 The echoes of the French revolution were， in Metternich's eyes， a grave threat， as was the growing nationalist tendencies in Eastern Europe。 He sought to suppress these tendencies by combating the various nationalist movements， including that of German's， Croatians， Serbians and Hungarians， with varying degrees of success。 Metternich has the strong aptitude to view events and perceive their possible outcomes。 This gave him an uncanny ability to predict responses， think steps ahead， and effectively reign in opposition and threats。 His policies gave a new lease on life to the Austrian Empire， which had been in deaths door at the beginning of the 19th century。 Metternich fell from grace after his failed attempt to suppress the revolts in Austria in 1848。 These revolts were inspired by adherents of both greater political freedoms for peasants， and nationalists in Hungary， Poland， and Croatia， as well as German and Czech Nationalists。 Metternich attempted first to appease， and then suppress these movements， but eventually his political manoeuvrings caught up with him， and he fell from grace。 He was exiled from the capital， and his remaining time was spent in exile。 This fall from grace lead to the slow federalization of Austria into its Austro-Hungarian entity， which sought to distance itself from German unification and promote the kingdoms of Austria， Hungary， and Bohemia。 Metternich remained influential in politics through correspondence， but did not attempt to contribute further from the centres of power。All in all， an interesting revisionist text looking at the various thoughts and strategies of Metternich。 This book takes a political stance， and attempts to view how Metternich made decisions by analyzing his upbringing， education， and influence in events。 A strong contender for an excellent biography， and one worth a read for fans of Metternich， and for this era of history。 。。。more
Gareth Russell
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A magisterial， epic， meticulous biography which is a towering testament to scholarly industry。 "Metternich" depicts the "founding father" of western conservatism in the context of a civilisation buckling under the chaotic pressure unleashed by the French Revolution， as well as offering a richly nuanced portrait of von Metternich's intellectual life and the twilight of the Holy Roman Empire。 I savoured this book， as much as for its dense flavour of the era and rigorous analysis of history as I di A magisterial， epic， meticulous biography which is a towering testament to scholarly industry。 "Metternich" depicts the "founding father" of western conservatism in the context of a civilisation buckling under the chaotic pressure unleashed by the French Revolution， as well as offering a richly nuanced portrait of von Metternich's intellectual life and the twilight of the Holy Roman Empire。 I savoured this book， as much as for its dense flavour of the era and rigorous analysis of history as I did for its shrewd assessment of philosophy， law， federalism， anti-nationalism， and European conservatism。 。。。more
Lauren Albert
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This is very much a political biography。 Siemann hardly discusses Metternich’s parents， children or spouses except discussions of his father from a political point of view。 It is difficult to read a revisionist history/biography when you don’t know what it’s revising。 It’s obvious that he is trying to paint a more positive picture of Metternich， but mostly doesn’t address the reasons historians give for the other picture。 It does get to the point when I think he “doth protest too much。” He hamme This is very much a political biography。 Siemann hardly discusses Metternich’s parents， children or spouses except discussions of his father from a political point of view。 It is difficult to read a revisionist history/biography when you don’t know what it’s revising。 It’s obvious that he is trying to paint a more positive picture of Metternich， but mostly doesn’t address the reasons historians give for the other picture。 It does get to the point when I think he “doth protest too much。” He hammers away at his hobby horse， to mix some metaphors。 I will have to read another biography at some point to try to better position Metternich in the scheme of things。 。。。more
Laetitea
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Dialog und diplomatie sind die einzige möglichkeit， krieg zu verhindern。 Das wusste Bundeskanzler Metternich。 Leider ist frieden der arme verwandte der wirtschaft！
Ernst
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This book is great， but not for the reasons you might think。 At its core， it is a defense of imperial diplomat and minister against previous interpretions of his role and action in the policy and politics of the Holy Roman Empire of German Nations and Austria。 It comes from a clearly conservative historian and therefore offers little surprise。 What is great about this book is the colourful narrative the author weaves around the person。 This widens the focus of this book to offer a rich insight i This book is great， but not for the reasons you might think。 At its core， it is a defense of imperial diplomat and minister against previous interpretions of his role and action in the policy and politics of the Holy Roman Empire of German Nations and Austria。 It comes from a clearly conservative historian and therefore offers little surprise。 What is great about this book is the colourful narrative the author weaves around the person。 This widens the focus of this book to offer a rich insight into the Zeitgeist and life in general across the great variety of periods Metternich lived through from the old empire， the French Revolution， the Napoleonic wars and the Vormaerz and revolutionary period， which eventually led into the German Prussian Empire after his death。 And that makes it definitely a worthwhile read。 。。。more
Klaus Metzger
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Eine hochwertige und sehr detaillierte Biographie über den Staatskanzler Metternich， der mit entscheidend die Zeit unter Napoleon und nach dessen Scheitern geprägt hat。 Bekannt ist der Wiener Kongress （1814 bis 1815）， der von Metternich sehr stark beinflusst wurde。 Bei einem kürzlichen Wochenendausflug nach Wien konnten die Orte seines Wirkens und die Sitze der österreichischen Kaiser Franz I und Franz Josef nacherleben。 Der emotionale Abschluss war die Kaiserkruft in der Kapuzinerkirche。
tpg0
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As an AI language model， I cannot give my personal opinion on the book; however， I can provide some information about it。 "Metternich: Strategist and Visionary" is a biography of Prince Klemens Wenzel von Metternich， an Austrian diplomat and statesman who played a significant role in European politics during the early 19th century。 The book explores Metternich's life and career， focusing on his strategies， vision， and his impact on the political landscape of Europe。 The author， Alan Palmer， offers a comprehensive and insightful portrait of Metternich， and provides a detailed analysis of his policies towards various countries， including France， Russia， and Britain。 The book is well-researched and well-written， making it an excellent read for anyone interested in European history and politics during the early 19th century。
tpg1
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As an AI language model， I am not able to provide personal opinions about books。 However， "Metternich: Strategist and Visionary" is a biography written by Alan Palmer that chronicles the life of Prince Klemens von Metternich， an influential statesman and diplomat of the 19th century。 The book explores Metternich's political and diplomatic maneuvers during the Napoleonic Wars， the Congress of Vienna， and the formation of the German Confederation。 The author offers a balanced portrayal of Metternich， highlighting his successes and failures in shaping European politics in the 19th century。 The book is well-researched and offers a detailed insight into the political challenges of the time。
tpg2
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I'm sorry， I cannot review or recommend books as I am an AI language model and do not have personal opinions or preferences。
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