The Revolt of the Elites and the Betrayal of Democracy

The Revolt of the Elites and the Betrayal of Democracy

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  • Create Date:2022-09-03 07:56:09
  • Update Date:2025-09-06
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  • Author:Christopher Lasch
  • ISBN:0393313719
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Summary

In a front-page review in the Washington Post Book World, John Judis wrote: "Political analysts have been poring over exit polls and precinct-level votes to gauge the meaning of last November's election, but they would probably better employ their time reading the late Christopher Lasch's book。" And in the National Review, Robert Bork says The Revolt of the Elites "ranges provocatively [and] insightfully。"



Controversy has raged around Lasch's targeted attack on the elites, their loss of moral values, and their abandonment of the middle class and poor, for he sets up the media and educational institutions as a large source of the problem。 In this spirited work, Lasch calls out for a return to community, schools that teach history not self-esteem, and a return to morality and even the teachings of religion。 He does this in a nonpartisan manner, looking to the lessons of American history, and castigating those in power for the ever-widening gap between the economic classes, which has created a crisis in American society。 The Revolt of the Elites and the Betrayal of Democracy is riveting social commentary。

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Reviews

A

9/10。America was once a land of hardy, Northern European farmers。 It was populated by a people who fought mightily against nature — who ventured out into the wilderness, who struggled against frigid frosts, who woke up at the crack of dawn to farm。 Yet these same people realized their dependence on nature and on God's workings。 They were self-reliant in what they could control, yet were happy to accept the decrees of Fortune in areas that they could not control。Only in such a self-reliant nation 9/10。America was once a land of hardy, Northern European farmers。 It was populated by a people who fought mightily against nature — who ventured out into the wilderness, who struggled against frigid frosts, who woke up at the crack of dawn to farm。 Yet these same people realized their dependence on nature and on God's workings。 They were self-reliant in what they could control, yet were happy to accept the decrees of Fortune in areas that they could not control。Only in such a self-reliant nation can "democracy" in any sense work。 A polity is effective in proportion to the intellectual ability and virtue of its political decision-makers。 If voting requires property, and property requires men who have the work ethic to feed a family with a farm, then your voter base will be of high quality。 The high quality of America was evidenced by this work ethic, which was premised upon a high natural quality of its immigrants。Being a good member of early-mid 19th-century American society was not based on material goods, but on virtue and learning。 One could always, like Ben Franklin, develop one's self by the efforts of the will。 One could self-check one's self and have standards to rise up to。 One could be a providing husband, a loving father, a hard-working farmer, and a well-read gentleman。 Those virtuous traits were satisfactory; higher "social status", sports cars, absurdly extravagant toys, and other such displays of economic wealth little factored into the vision of "success"。Not anymore。 The elites, led by international cosmopolitans, have no care for anything besides the material。 They are not attached to any country or any tradition。 Nor do they have any shame。 Shame is repressive and national connections are irrational。 History has passed on, Man has "grown up" (so says their false analogy), and now our job is to maximize profit and destroy "repressions"。 How is this to be done? Through the global economic market。 Disperse jobs across the world and mix every ethnic group with every other ethnic group。 Through this plan, no one will have any connection but the economic。 Thus all will become perfect consumers, with no cultural, traditional, or religious inhibitions to purchase base, degenerate goods。You see, the elites know human psychology。 They know the attractiveness of economic goods。 Using this knowledge, they reach their goals。 They deify money and make women believe that it is the only good。 What is the result? Wages decrease due to labor oversupply; divorce rates skyrocket due to the release of heightened hypergamy; children are taken care of by a "professional" though uncaring daycare providers; community connections are displaced。 Mass movement occurs, where sons and daughters run away from parents, where parents run away from grandparents。 This is the result of following the money: community dies。 The notion of rootedness disappears。 Adolescents go to university where all prejudices (if they are White) are to be removed。 Any identity, any group feeling is stripped away。 The humanities become an anti-European circle jerk of rising academics shitting on the greatest Culture to ever bless this world。 To rise in their careers, the academics must reveal secret homosexuals, closet racists, sexism around every corner, or even declare that no meaning can be found in writing whatsoever。 The economic incentive structure drives the academic lemmings off the cliff into the sea of unreason and amnesia。 The students are taught facts, and only facts。 No heroism, no models of life to look up to are to be found in the modern curriculum。 The curriculum today is merely made up of vats of acid that disintegrate everything of value。 Everything is "problematic", everything is deconstructed。 At the end, the student ends up not looking up to the 300 Spartans, to Achilles's strength, or to the Faustian spirit of Magellan; but instead to Iron Man, a weebish Anime character, or their favorite Netflix actor。 Reality is replaced by fantasy; duty, honor, and sacrifice are replaced by cartoonish animation and CGI。 Religion is thrown into the dirt for being too "contentious", hallucinatory, and overall non-inclusive。 Religion is mocked as being an over-comfortable place for believers。 For God loves His believers and will save them, right? It's so easy, right? No! The religion-denouncers do not realize that the whole point of religion is to have divine standards above one's self, pressing down on one's self。 The standards are, in fact, impossible to completely satisfy, but it is the striving and the struggling for them that characterizes believers。 This reality of religious experience is precisely the opposite of what atheists think religion to be。 Because the elites have no religion, they have no shame。 Freudianism replaced Christianity beginning in the early 1900s, and began to transform the internal morality of shame and guilt into one of therapy。 Human nature was not the fault, nor one's sinful actions; no, in fact, external conditions needed therapy and cure to make the human whole。 Then the therapeutic paradigm begins to be applied to all of society。 Instead of giving a pittance to the poor out of kindness, it is now our job to literally cure poverty (what an absurdity!)。 Instead of associating with those whose company we enjoy, now we must cure racism。 Everything becomes a "disease" that we must cure。 Yet the diagnoses are never for the individual。 It is always the problem of "society" (whatever that means)。 Criminals commit crime because they are poor and have no other "outlet" for recognition。 Mental illness comes from early "trauma" — incurable, eternal, forever haunting。 "Society" locks up Black people at a 20x higher rate than Asians — what an evil society! As if a policeman just randomly arrests someone 。 。 。 Absurdities abound in the therapeutic mindset。 If all is sickness, if all "sicknesses" of the self can be cured, there is no shame for personal misaction。 This is the root of modern evils。 Man does not feel a higher standard above himself pressing down on him, shaming him for doing wrong, praising him for doing right。 All personal calculations are made for two reasons: (1) money and (2) pleasure。 Modernity is a great slave plantation, with our masters inciting all of our passions to keep us enslaved。 Only by breaking free of our chains — mentally, physically, nutritionally, spiritually — can we reclaim our heritage and reclaim life。 。。。more

Γιώργος-Νεκτάριος Παναγιωτίδης

Αυτό το βιβλίο γράφτηκε όταν ο Κρίστοφερ Λας ήταν προς το τέλος της ζωής του, με τη βοήθεια της κόρης του και του。。。 επεξεργαστή κειμένου (εφαρμογή στο PC)。 Ο συγγραφέας του, μέλος της "παλιάς αριστεράς" και της ποπουλιστικής (populism=。。。λαϊκισμός- θυμηθείτε εδώ στους ναρόντνικους στη Ρωσία) παράδοσης και μερίδας, παίρνει θέσεις σε μια σειρά από θέματα, αναλύοντας τις θέσεις διάφορων (Αμερικανών περισσότερο) συγγραφέων: Walter Lippman (τεχνοκράτης και δημοσιογράφος), David Rieff (σχέσεις κουλτο Αυτό το βιβλίο γράφτηκε όταν ο Κρίστοφερ Λας ήταν προς το τέλος της ζωής του, με τη βοήθεια της κόρης του και του。。。 επεξεργαστή κειμένου (εφαρμογή στο PC)。 Ο συγγραφέας του, μέλος της "παλιάς αριστεράς" και της ποπουλιστικής (populism=。。。λαϊκισμός- θυμηθείτε εδώ στους ναρόντνικους στη Ρωσία) παράδοσης και μερίδας, παίρνει θέσεις σε μια σειρά από θέματα, αναλύοντας τις θέσεις διάφορων (Αμερικανών περισσότερο) συγγραφέων: Walter Lippman (τεχνοκράτης και δημοσιογράφος), David Rieff (σχέσεις κουλτούρας και θρησκείας), John Dewey αλλά και γνωστότερων όπως ο εστέτ σοσιαλιστής Όσκαρ Ουάιλντ, ο Φρόυντ, ο Γιουνγκ και άλλοι。 Τα σχόλια που κάνει είναι ΕΚΠΛΗΚΤΙΚΆ σε γενικές γραμμές, αν και με τις θέσεις που παίρνει δε συμφωνώ πάντα。Αναδεικνύει τη συζήτηση, τις διαφορές μεταξύ κοινοτισμού και ποπουλισμού, την ιδεολογία των ελίτ και τα culture wars έναντι του Μέσου Αμερικανού (σκεφτείτε εδώ τα καμώματα του Κωστόπουλου στο πιο。。。 εκλεπτυσμένο/μορφωμένο), την αντικατάσταση των ταξικών-κοινωνικών ζητημάτων με πολιτικές ταυτότητας (φύλου, φυλής, κ。λπ。), και σειρά από άλλα ζητήματα。Εξαιρετικά αξιανάγνωστο, αν και όχι πάντα。。。 ευανάγνωστο!Συνολική βαθμολογία: 4。5/5 。。。more

Margo

I don't feel particularly equipped to review this; however, I'll say that Lasch is a bit too traditionalist for me。 I think traditions are civilizing catalysts in society, and they may be necessary。 But, traditions can be exclusive and elitist themselves。 I am not explaining myself well。 Must be the influence of my public school education。 Anyway, the insights are abundant which makes reading this worthwhile。 I don't feel particularly equipped to review this; however, I'll say that Lasch is a bit too traditionalist for me。 I think traditions are civilizing catalysts in society, and they may be necessary。 But, traditions can be exclusive and elitist themselves。 I am not explaining myself well。 Must be the influence of my public school education。 Anyway, the insights are abundant which makes reading this worthwhile。 。。。more

Daniel Jafari

Prescient is the most apt description。

Winston Plum

1。 Christopher Lasch’s name comes up a lot on “post-left” Twitter。 One feels obligated to the disparage that term, but actually it’s apt and loosely applies to Bernie Bros and other socialist -curious folk, specifically those who became socialist curious in the wake of the first Bernie run in 2016 who are now disillusioned with the total elite capture of the “Left” by the professional-managerial class and its commitment to any and all forms of identity politics and the sheer cynicism of “Left” P 1。 Christopher Lasch’s name comes up a lot on “post-left” Twitter。 One feels obligated to the disparage that term, but actually it’s apt and loosely applies to Bernie Bros and other socialist -curious folk, specifically those who became socialist curious in the wake of the first Bernie run in 2016 who are now disillusioned with the total elite capture of the “Left” by the professional-managerial class and its commitment to any and all forms of identity politics and the sheer cynicism of “Left” PMC logic--make-work in academe, media, cultural commentary, and the NGO-industrial complex。 Anyway, Lasch’s name always comes among those “post-leftists” (think Red Scare, What’s Left? podcasts; Compact Magazine) who realize the Bernie/Jacobin moment has come and gone。 Lasch was someone who was a trenchant critic of the PMC way back when; someone who saw the bureaucratization of the elite liberal governing class way back when and how utterly detached it was from a mass-based working class political coalition。2。 After hearing Lasch’s name mentioned repeatedly on certain podcasts and within a certain discursive niche of Twitter, I finally read “The Culture of Narcissism” about a year ago。 It stunk。 “The Revolt of the Elites” is okay。 The first two or three chapters are pretty damn good。 The last 75% of the book, and the quality decreases with every passing chapter, isn’t very good。 The book is essentially a collection of essays previously published elsewhere。 Lasch writes in the preface something to the effect that the pieces are substantially altered from their original form。 I’m suspicious how much he altered them, mainly because there’s a wide-ranging, flimsiness to them, kind of like New Yorker articles, that makes me feel he hasn’t done much to change them since they were originally published in middle-brow periodicals。 They’re not robust or probing, and they’re not particularly challenging either, but rather disjointed without a coherent argument or logic propelling them other than “things suck now; they used to be better, and there are lots of reasons why they suck now more than they used to,” which was kind of what “The Culture of Narcissism” was about too, granted “The Revolt of the Elites” isn’t bogged down with endless Freudian dreck the former is。3。 The first two of three chapters are fantastic because Lasch’s readings of historical texts I wasn’t familiar with are generative and illuminating。 Like all great criticism, he makes connections the non-scholar doesn't make and seeing those connections, the reader forms a better (new) understanding and “how things work” and how they came to be。 Essentially, he makes a series of astute observations about the nature of the liberal project in the last forty years and weaves those observations into original insights about how all the ways in which smart liberals think they’re making America “better” and more efficient are actually having deleterious effects on the national fabric。 In short, Lasch owns the libs way back in the early 90s。 He’s owning the libs by pulling the curtain back on the meritocratic logic that has been the modus operandi of the Democratic Party since at least the ascension of the Democratic Leadership Council's founding in the late 80s。 Although Lasch doesn’t present a Marxist analysis of American political economy in thrall to the meritocratic creed, it’s Marxian enough that we get the idea Lasch understands that vapid consumerism, hyper-exploitation, and the commodification of everything under the sun has been a net negative for the American citizen。 The focus of Lasch’s criticism centers mainly on market encroachment upon every aspect of social organization。 Again, this is bad and Lasch is colorful and edifying while describing all the ways it is bad。 Twenty years before every Tom, Dick, and Harry was bloviating on Twitter about the impoverishment of the neoliberal era and the failures of the Obama presidency, Lasch had identified the Clinton administration as an earlier culprit of the accelerated marketization of America。 Lasch saw clearly that the early 90s had on tap either libertarian political economy from the Dems with a sprinkling of social justice warrior virtue signaling or from the GOP libertarian political economy with a sprinkling of family value virtue signaling。 4。 Wikipedia tells us in the 1960s Lasch felt he could not do without Marx。 What’s interesting about the two Lasch books I’ve read is while he speaks little about Marx specifically and notably doesn’t explore political economy with a Marxist logic, the reader consistently notices Lasch’s tangible disgust for exorbitant wealth, wealth inequality, and the myriad ways rapacious capitalism has rotted American minds and bodies (even though he doesn’t use the word capitalism as a swear word the way a Marsist would)。 Ultimately, this is because Lasch doesn't argue that capital in and of itself, or markets inherently, necessitate the societal pathologies and the deleterious effects now omnipresent in advanced capitalist societies。 And so we arrive at the also much derided but also aptly named “horseshoe theory” of political orientation, where those committed to a socialist political project meet at a point to make common cause with a Right populist project。 In “The Revolt of the Elites” that is precisely the term Lasch uses--populism--when the reader senses he’s celebrating a particular political project worth celebrating。 Thomas Frank mines similar ground in “Listen, Liberal” (fantastic book) and “The People, No” (also fantastic)。 My point is that’s where it’s at, as it were, and astute, self-identifying socialists/Marxists actually interested in doing politics as opposed to getting sinecures on the academic, NGO, media gravy train whining “Orange man bad” in perpetuity realize this and have joined this project: American Affairs, Compact, Tablet (to a lesser extent) and the constellation of Substacks and podcasts rowing in the same direction。 To what extent this political project actually pushes and contributes to legislative victories and changes domestic social organization and foreign policy commitments remains an open question。 The line between actually doing politics and achieving real-world victories for average Americans and creating another ecosystem of increasingly diluted, imitative, and feckless media/cultural/academic projects is an almost imperceptible one and is almost always imperceptibly crossed, such are the rationalizations and mystifications used by those who realize they have a good thing going (money, status, respect from peers) and are quite content with that good thing。5。 Which brings me to my last point。 I’ve been thinking a lot about the sociologist Robert Michels’s “Iron law of oligarchy” concept whereby:All organizations eventually come to be run by a "leadership class", who often function as paid administrators, executives, spokespersons or political strategists for the organization。 Far from being "servants of the masses", Michels argues this "leadership class", rather than the organization's membership, will inevitably grow to dominate the organization's power structures。 By controlling who has access to information, those in power can centralize their power successfully, often with little accountability, due to the apathy, indifference and non-participation most rank-and-file members have in relation to their organization's decision-making processes。 Michels argues that democratic attempts to hold leadership positions accountable are prone to fail, since with power comes the ability to reward loyalty, the ability to control information about the organization, and the ability to control what procedures the organization follows when making decisions。 All of these mechanisms can be used to strongly influence the outcome of any decisions made 'democratically' by members。 (“Iron Law of Oligarchy。” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 13 June 2022, en。wikipedia。org/wiki/Iron_law_of_oli。。。)。Wow。 Sounds like all unions, political parties, initially mass-based political movements (think BLM) that become make-work entities for the over-educated, over-credentialled, and NGOs in general, as currently constituted in the US。 I thought about the “iron law” while reading “The Revolt of the Elites,” because although Lasch doesn’t explore syndicalism in depth (IIRC he makes a few passing references to it) and no one would ever accuse him of being an anarchist, there is a through line to his project in this book, and in thinkers’ works that have clearly been inspired by Lasch, Patrick Deneen’s magisterial “Why Liberalism Died” immediately comes to mind as well as Michael Lind’s writing, who concern themselves with the consequence that the further social organization moves away from community-based decisions, community-based management, and all the discrete connections and interdependencies that make up a community: plentiful, meaningful, and rewarding jobs; equitable and responsible distribution and apportionment of goods and services, the worse society is。 In short, the more a society allows the things that destroy community to reign supreme--the things that atomize us from one another, alienate us from one another, commodify and commercialize every aspect of our being (the market’s endless creep) and ultimately eviscerate everything that makes a community something to value, cherish, and nurture--the more problems you get in a society。 Deneen's project in “Why Liberalism Died” is that the internal contradictions of the liberal project going back to Locke have finally become so immanent to our social organization that liberalism as a coherent political project capable of sustaining and edifying humanity is in its death throes。 Lasch’s project differs in emphasis and orientation to Deneen’s, but Lasch’s emphasis of virtue, self-reliance, interdependence, community, and self-discipline is similar。6。 Both of the Thomas Frank titles I mentioned above are better explorations of the nefarious traits of the professional-managerial class, specifically the liberal elite that is currently ensconced in and directing every non-juridical realm of power in the United States。 Catherine Liu’s “Virtue Hoarders” is also more realized than “The Revolt of the Elites。” I’m still waiting to find that Christopher Lasch book that gets me pumping my fist。 。。。more

Kevin Keating

Dude wrote this book a long time ago but it is really relevant today。 We are just further along the downward spiral of society。 I listened to it mostly and sped it up to 1。25 for best effect。 It was very thought-provoking。

Laura ullman

He’s low key so crazy for this 😂

Schroeder

Lasch discusses the malaise of the modern world and the decline of American democracy。 His analysis touches upon many symptoms of this malaise, and root causes ranging from the material to the spiritual。 The most striking aspect of this book was the relevance it held even now 30 years after being published。 The battlelines of the culture war are largely the same, despite some buzzwords falling in and out of vogue。

Ivana

This book feels so relevant in 2022 although it's more than a quarter of a century old。 This book feels so relevant in 2022 although it's more than a quarter of a century old。 。。。more

David

I love Lasch。 This collection of essays is loosely thematically linked and more hit-and-miss than his popular Culture of Narcissism。 Lasch was prescient enough to understand the catastrophic damage that identity politics and cancel culture would play in modern society。 It is a shame his voice couldn't be with us still and commenting on current events - but no doubt he would be at odds with the censors and struggling to maintain a platform for his thoughts。This generation or the next will find ou I love Lasch。 This collection of essays is loosely thematically linked and more hit-and-miss than his popular Culture of Narcissism。 Lasch was prescient enough to understand the catastrophic damage that identity politics and cancel culture would play in modern society。 It is a shame his voice couldn't be with us still and commenting on current events - but no doubt he would be at odds with the censors and struggling to maintain a platform for his thoughts。This generation or the next will find out how fast his books burn when they are banned and thrown on the pyre of traditionalist thought and conventional wisdom。 Read it while you can。 。。。more

Nicholas Shelokov

Lasch's book serves as a powerful and formal analysis of the current culture among the American, and really global, elites。 The Revolt of the Elites should be the corner stone for any neo-reactionary's library and philosophy。 Lasch's book serves as a powerful and formal analysis of the current culture among the American, and really global, elites。 The Revolt of the Elites should be the corner stone for any neo-reactionary's library and philosophy。 。。。more

Kris

Great social commentary。 Highly recommend。 It's almost a mini-worldview primer, exploring the ways Marxism and CRT has seeped into academia and the media。 But he also has lots of other things to say。 Quite prophetic for 1995, though I suppose that just shows it's been a long time coming。I also enjoyed The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in An Age of Diminishing Expectations。For related books, see:--Cynical Theories: How Activist Scholarship Made Everything about Race, Gender, and Identity—a Great social commentary。 Highly recommend。 It's almost a mini-worldview primer, exploring the ways Marxism and CRT has seeped into academia and the media。 But he also has lots of other things to say。 Quite prophetic for 1995, though I suppose that just shows it's been a long time coming。I also enjoyed The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in An Age of Diminishing Expectations。For related books, see:--Cynical Theories: How Activist Scholarship Made Everything about Race, Gender, and Identity—and Why This Harms Everybody--Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business--The Closing of the American Mind--The Coddling of the American Mind: How Good Intentions and Bad Ideas Are Setting Up a Generation for Failure--The Decadent Society: How We Became the Victims of Our Own Success--The Diversity Delusion: How Race and Gender Pandering Corrupt the University and Undermine Our Culture 。。。more

Rusten

Incredibly compelling and helpful analysis

Gesseppi

Haven’t been able to read at all for the past 5 months。 His critiques of American culture are spot on。 Highly recommend this over Mark Fisher。

Rodrigo Domínguez

superb

Mad-In-Savage

Difficult to follow at times but 5 stars for how ahead of its time it was。

Paul Herriott

Written 25 years ago, there were many things that felt like they were freshly published, there were also names of thought leaders and movements that have passed on by。 Some of this book was dependent on knowing what was written in other books。

Ian Boyd

Sign me up for the Academic bashing! Throw in a side of Freud trashing - even better! The third part, “The Dark Night of the Soul” does get a bit rambly。 I would say the essay “The Abolition of Shame” is the weakest one, mired in trying to describe nuances of psychoanalysis while also trying to critique them。 All in all very good。 Remains prescient today。

kac attac

GR user Robert Holm wrote in his review of this book that Lasch"advanced the peculiar idea that knowledge can only be gained by debate and argument, which, quite frankly, is an incredibly stupid thing to say, since debates are always won by the best debaters, regardless of whether their arguments are true or not。"Robert doesn't accept comments or messages from people who aren't "friends," and I don't make "friends" easily, so I can't initiate a meta-debate with him as I had hoped。If I could, I w GR user Robert Holm wrote in his review of this book that Lasch"advanced the peculiar idea that knowledge can only be gained by debate and argument, which, quite frankly, is an incredibly stupid thing to say, since debates are always won by the best debaters, regardless of whether their arguments are true or not。"Robert doesn't accept comments or messages from people who aren't "friends," and I don't make "friends" easily, so I can't initiate a meta-debate with him as I had hoped。If I could, I would say:You're right about this, but I think it talks past Lasch's point。 He writes that,"We do not know what we need to know until we ask the right questions, and we can identify the right questions only by subjecting our own ideas about the world to the test of public controversy。"In other words, it's the process of debate which is "educational" first and foremost for the debaters themselves。 There are no pure spectators in Lasch's ideal democracy, and everyone (including those with no wealth or power) commands a modicum of "respect" and is "forced" (he actually does use that word, p。 171) to enter debate in some capacity。 I'm not holding my breath for the realization of this ideal, but the "educational" value of participation versus spectatorship seems obvious nonetheless。 。。。more

Jesse Alexander

Interesting。 Subject matter was interesting but the writing style was academic and wordy。 The kind of paragraphs that make the eyes glaze over。 Chapters are more like separate essays on various topics。

Truls Ljungström

Detta är ett debattinlägg, inte en bok。 Den som väntar sig att komma härifrån med nya insikter kommer bara göra det, om de är främmande för västvärldens intellektuella tradition i dess originalformer, innan isolerade professorer har klippt sönder dem till textböcker。 Det är ett debattinlägg som försöker övertyga mig om att USA och den egalitära kulturen generellt inte är dömd - såsom den väl förtjänar。 Argumentet bygger på en intressant tanke - att kulturens förtroende vilar på exkluderandet (fö Detta är ett debattinlägg, inte en bok。 Den som väntar sig att komma härifrån med nya insikter kommer bara göra det, om de är främmande för västvärldens intellektuella tradition i dess originalformer, innan isolerade professorer har klippt sönder dem till textböcker。 Det är ett debattinlägg som försöker övertyga mig om att USA och den egalitära kulturen generellt inte är dömd - såsom den väl förtjänar。 Argumentet bygger på en intressant tanke - att kulturens förtroende vilar på exkluderandet (förbudet) av beteenden som ses som för avvikande - och att den egalitära kulturkonstruktionen, såsom den framträdde efter första världskriget, och såsom den blommat ut i bildningsfientlighetens och sanningsföraktets moderna USA, inte kan överleva länge。 Så långt gott och väl。 Det jag ser som svårsmält är att dess diskussion om intellektuell frihet, och om den klasslösa förmågan att våga tänka görs till en effekt av ett visst system。 Visst - i så motto att ett intellektuellt förtryck - ett förnekande av utrymme för brutal sanning, när den är välgrundad, och ett straffande av fiendens retorik istället för deras argument är tecken på en dekadens och en döende kultur; men längre än så går det inte att dra det utan att tappa kontrollen över argumentet。 Författaren vill få det till att bara respekt för personskapet kan tillåta samvetsfrihet och små gemenskaper, snarare än att se att det som krävs är förtroende för det egna värdet (och erkännandet av andras)。 De argument mot etatism och storskalighet som författaren ställer upp är bara delvis formulerade。 De är sociologiskt intressanta, men stannar innan de når den institutionella konkurrens, som var typisk för den intellektuella barndomsrenhet som författaren försöker hitta tillbaka till。 Det gör att författarens strävan efter en demokratisk heroism blir omöjlig。 Denna bok är därför inte ens i samma liga som Talebs formuleringar av samma sak。 Det är självklart att antiintellektualism och moralisk flathet kommer att självdö。 Det är också självklart att Rorty:s ideal inte kommer att tilltala någon, och därför dö i brist på de gemensamma värderingar som möjliggör det。 Denna författare ger inga alternativ över huvud taget till vad som vore bättre, och det gör att en läsare kommer att lockas till Guénon snarare än till CS Lewis, de Vitoria eller Popper。 。。。more

Br1cht

So this old-school Leftwinger from before the "Left" followed what the "Right" had done and sold themselves to any bidder, saw what the "Elite" wanted to do over 25 years ago and wrote a book to warn us all。 That we didn´t heed that warning is obvious。This book lays the facts out for the reader in a clear and concise way, highly recommend it。 So this old-school Leftwinger from before the "Left" followed what the "Right" had done and sold themselves to any bidder, saw what the "Elite" wanted to do over 25 years ago and wrote a book to warn us all。 That we didn´t heed that warning is obvious。This book lays the facts out for the reader in a clear and concise way, highly recommend it。 。。。more

Dylan Groves

a real tragedy he didnt live long enough to have a substack

Rocco Barbieri

Christopher Lasch was writing this book while at deaths door in the mid 1990s but its contents are just as relevant today。 Ultimately Lasch came to the conclusion that our "elites", the college educated, managerial elites see themselves as the saviors of the world。 Lasch is here to prove that beyond a doubt they are not the heros in the story。 Much of their programs and theories, as Lasch points out, have done nothing more than yank the ladder up from the lower classes。 Progressivism and insista Christopher Lasch was writing this book while at deaths door in the mid 1990s but its contents are just as relevant today。 Ultimately Lasch came to the conclusion that our "elites", the college educated, managerial elites see themselves as the saviors of the world。 Lasch is here to prove that beyond a doubt they are not the heros in the story。 Much of their programs and theories, as Lasch points out, have done nothing more than yank the ladder up from the lower classes。 Progressivism and insistance on diversity and inclusion have done little more than reinforce the wide economica and educational disparity in society。 This breeds an insular culture within elite circles who have nothing but disdain for those non-college educated masses that inhabit the lower classes。 Lasch's writing is very clear throughout these chapters but where I think he goes awry is in Part 3 of his book。 It becomes far too Freudian for my liking and for that reason I feel I must remove a star。 I read this book after encoutering a bit of Lasch's writing from reading "Why Liberalism Failed" and I think that this book proves that Lasch is one of the most forward thinking social critiquers of our age。 。。。more

Peter Warren

In the light of the events of 2016 this book is surely a must read。 While most see that year as a revolt of the working class this book written in 1994 will have you looking at what some of the underlying causes may have been。 Prophetic in places。。。

Paul

Not his strongest work but some good observations sprinkled throughout。

Seth

Lasch helps the reader agree with him by (almost) always trailing off right before he says anything interesting。 He doesn't offer any sort of comprehensive view, just a series of musings that imply he has one。 Maybe elsewhere?The first hundred pages or so repeat the thesis argument, which is fine but kind of boring。 The following sections on "Democratic Discourse" and the "Dark Night of the Soul" are much stronger, especially the thorough takedown of Horace Mann in the former section and the mus Lasch helps the reader agree with him by (almost) always trailing off right before he says anything interesting。 He doesn't offer any sort of comprehensive view, just a series of musings that imply he has one。 Maybe elsewhere?The first hundred pages or so repeat the thesis argument, which is fine but kind of boring。 The following sections on "Democratic Discourse" and the "Dark Night of the Soul" are much stronger, especially the thorough takedown of Horace Mann in the former section and the musings on shame in the latter。 。。。more

Bryan

I have heard a lot of podcasts/bloggers refer to Lasch as being a prophet of our times。 This book is usually one of the first things mentioned of his works。 The first essay in this book is the one that most people remember when they mention this book (which is where the title comes from)。 I have to say that the essay doesn't disappoint: It basically talks a lot about how the upper and lower classes were diverging and facing increased animosity。 Lasch spends most of his ire on the upper-classes/ I have heard a lot of podcasts/bloggers refer to Lasch as being a prophet of our times。 This book is usually one of the first things mentioned of his works。 The first essay in this book is the one that most people remember when they mention this book (which is where the title comes from)。 I have to say that the essay doesn't disappoint: It basically talks a lot about how the upper and lower classes were diverging and facing increased animosity。 Lasch spends most of his ire on the upper-classes/the elites and their overall hubris。 As with a lot of these decline books, Lasch doesn't offer much in the way of solutions。 I suppose some of the essays in the middle of the book (which were just published in various journals/magazines) are meant to be explaining sorta how we got here or possible solutions。 But, given this was published in '95 (and the author passed in 94) he deserves all the credit for his presence。 。。。more

JerryDeanHalleck

Hard to think of a more precient book, Lasch didn't have a time machine but he describes perfectly the elites attitude in 2021。 We're now at the end game of what Lasch described。 The power elite not only doesn't care about Democracy - they don't have to care。 They've rigged the game so that the masses are irrelevant。 It reminds me of the old Lilly Tomlin line: "We're the phone company。 We don't care。 We don't have to"。 As shown by the last 4 years, the power elite no longer has to care what you Hard to think of a more precient book, Lasch didn't have a time machine but he describes perfectly the elites attitude in 2021。 We're now at the end game of what Lasch described。 The power elite not only doesn't care about Democracy - they don't have to care。 They've rigged the game so that the masses are irrelevant。 It reminds me of the old Lilly Tomlin line: "We're the phone company。 We don't care。 We don't have to"。 As shown by the last 4 years, the power elite no longer has to care what you think。 You can still vote, but it won't matter。 You can elect a POTUS, but he'll be powerless to change anything。 You can protest, but even if Antifa doesn't beat you up, you won't be heard。 Complain too much, and you'll be cancelled, deplatformed by Social Media and maybe fired from your job。 Politics has become the billionaires boy club。 Vote fraud is OK。 Underfinanced Bernie Bros or populists are drowned in a sea of negative advertising。 Any elected official who doesn't play ball is bought off, silenced or destroyed。 $Trillion$ budgets are passed that no one has read。 Primaries are held, but are meaningless。 The MSM speaks with one voice on almost every issue, and news not "Poltically correct" is minimized or supressed。 Anything the elite doesn't want discussed is banned。 Democracy is dead。 All hail the power elite。 。。。more

Charles Haywood

Christopher Lasch died before this, his last book, was published, twenty-six years ago。 Lasch was a man out of time, a refugee leftist who nonetheless refused to embrace what passed for conservatism in the post-Communist false dawn, the main feature of which was idolatry of the invisible hand。 No surprise, his message was rejected by its intended audience, America’s intellectual class。 Now, however, every one of the problems with our society he identified has grown monstrous, far beyond the powe Christopher Lasch died before this, his last book, was published, twenty-six years ago。 Lasch was a man out of time, a refugee leftist who nonetheless refused to embrace what passed for conservatism in the post-Communist false dawn, the main feature of which was idolatry of the invisible hand。 No surprise, his message was rejected by its intended audience, America’s intellectual class。 Now, however, every one of the problems with our society he identified has grown monstrous, far beyond the power of any dragonslayer to kill。 Thus, this book is, at least now, less prescription and more an intellectual history of how we failed as a nation。Many on the modern Right (and some on the Left) think this book is important; it’s often mentioned, at least, which is why I read it。 But I don’t think it is actually an important book。 Most of what Lasch discusses here had been discussed for quite some time on the Right。 His clever use of José Ortega y Gasset’s The Revolt of the Masses as a parallel is muddled, rather than insightful, even if it probably has caused the book to be remembered more than it would be otherwise。 Those on the Right who today discuss this book, as in a recent exchange between Nathan Pinkoski and Rod Dreher (in which Pinkoski is the more insightful, and accurately, if delicately, diagnoses Dreher’s usual inability to follow his own premises to their inevitable conclusions), aren’t really discussing Lasch’s book。 Rather, for them, his book is a ghostly talisman, proof that the descending arc of America is, in fact, descending。Moreover, The Revolt of the Elites feels cobbled together。 No doubt Lasch’s impending death, to which he glancingly refers in his Acknowledgements, contributed to this feel。 Several of the chapters are reprints of stand-alone articles that had already appeared, and are only obliquely related to the putative main theme of the book。 One chapter, for example, attacks the early nineteenth-century educational ideologue Horace Mann, which, while it is interesting enough, doesn’t really say anything about today。 The reader’s main emotion upon completing the book is therefore not a feeling of integrated insight, but simply sadness for a time when an author, and his then-readers, could optimistically believe the monsters could be kept shut in their cave, if we only worked hard enough。 I have not read some of Lasch’s other well-regarded works, such as The Culture of Narcissism or The True and Only Heaven, but those are probably more unified in theme; they are longer, at least, and seem more focused。 I’d start with those if you want to explore Lasch。But I read this book, and here we are today, so let’s make the best of it。 We can get something out of it that we can use for the future。 For Lasch, democracy meant not so much majority rule as it meant a society that enabled all to fully participate。 The “betrayal of democracy” about which he was concerned has many elements, none of them directly connected to electoral politics, but all dictated by our ruling class。 The strongest chapter is the first, one of only two new writings done for this book, also titled “The Revolt of the Elites。”That title, of course, is a direct response to Ortega’s famous book, now nearly a hundred years old, which I have earlier analyzed at some length。 Contrary to what is often assumed, Ortega was not making a point about economic or social class。 His “mass men” were those, of any socioeconomic level, who refused to acknowledge, seek, and demand excellence, instead exalting mediocrity。 Such mass men were, in his eyes, increasingly coming to dominate the upper reaches of society, and crowding out the elites, those who sought and insisted upon excellence and whose actions revolved around duty and obligation。 (Among the worst of mass men, for Ortega, were so-called experts who thought a narrow expertise in one area qualified them to be leaders of society; during the Wuhan Plague, his excoriation of such mass men has proved particularly prescient。)In Ortega’s time, the 1930s, though they had lost ground, the elites were still mostly in charge, but the mass man was gaining fast。 Lasch’s claim is that by 1995, as Ortega had feared, the mass man had captured the elite stratum of society。 But I think Lasch, unlike Ortega, introduces concepts of class into the idea of the mass man, conflating socioeconomic class with elite status, essentially identifying the elites as what would later come to be called the “professional-managerial elite。” Despite beginning with Ortega, Lasch spends little time on excellence in the sense Ortega used it, and much more on the political divisions and stupidities the new elite has introduced to America。 As a result, the attempted parallel ends up more confusing than enlightening to the informed reader。Lasch, accurately enough, attacks a long list of elite-dictated corrosions of American society。 The control of wealth by an ever-smaller slice of Americans。 The decline of real wages among the non-elite。 Women being driven into the labor force and the consequent deleterious effects on family and children。 Assortative mating and geographic sorting by class, both causes of the erosion of organic community。 The elite turn to a globalized culture, with concomitant contempt for the average American。 Credentialism and putative meritocracy, with the resulting pushing-down of anyone not able to seize a rung of the ladder, the destruction of any feeling of obligation, and again the erosion of organic community。 The arrogance of the elites, the opposite of aristocratic pride with a corresponding sense of duty。 Every single one of these problems has become dramatically worse since 1995; nothing has been done, or for that matter attempted, to reverse any of these problems, or their social consequences—which for Lasch are, most of all, the erosion of citizen participation in the life of the nation。Narrowing his first chapter, the second chapter examines social mobility through this prism of elite corrosion。 Both Right and Left have seen social mobility for decades as desirable, but Lasch shows how it is misunderstood, with deleterious consequences for democracy。 He offers a sociological and historical examination of the concept in American life, with the goal of showing that social mobility is a relatively recent focus of our ruling classes。 Until quite recently, in fact, the American ideal was not rising up through the class structure, but succeeding within one’s own community and frame。 Most of all, this meant becoming a proprietor, rather than a wage laborer—not someone who had an independent living, but someone who combined a small amount of capital with his labor, and who, in the American conception of democracy, had the opportunity “to mingle on an equal footing with persons from all realms of life, to gain access to larger currents of opinion, and to exercise the rights and duties of citizenship。” This was the American conception, proudly distinct from what Americans saw as the limited and segregated European way of political and community life。 Class as dictated by monetary resources was less important than this form of opportunity and participation, and this conception largely prevented elite contempt for the population at large。 The ideal was the classless society—to be sure, an ideal that would never be reached, but an aspiration for all Americans。According to Lasch, education of the populace is crucial to such wide social participation—but not the type of education on offer today, initiated by the Progressives at the turn of the twentieth century, designed to offer social mobility in its new, modern sense。 Those able to benefit from the new programmatic education did not form a classless society—quite the opposite, since social mobility allowing entrance to the elite actually reinforces the presence and dominance of that elite, rather than eroding social distinctions。 This has made our society “highly stratified and highly mobile,” in the words of Wendell Berry that Lasch quotes。 “[T]he concentration of corporate power, the decline of small-scale production, the separation of production from consumption, the growth of the welfare state, the professionalization of knowledge, and the erosion of competence, responsibility, and citizenship have made the United States into a society in which class divisions run far more deeply than they did in the past。” For Lasch, “the most important choice a society has to make” is “whether to raise the general level of competence, energy, and devotion—‘virtue,’ as it was called in an older political tradition—or merely to promote a broader recruitment of elites。” Of course, in the twenty-first century virtue is in very short supply among all segments of American society—but I think there is far more virtue outside the elites than inside the elites, and it should be possible to cultivate it, such that it thrives, once our current elites are entirely removed and replaced with a new elite that assists all levels of society。If democracy, in Lasch’s sense, is no longer really democracy, does it deserve to survive? Lasch asks this question directly in another chapter, and offers an ambiguous answer。 He seems to say that if certain trends continue, democracy does not deserve to survive。 Unfortunately for us, those trends are precisely those that have exploded to nightmarish proportions since 1995—the cult of the victim; the belief that hewing to the standards of supposedly privileged groups is a sign of oppression (“a recipe for universal incompetence”); widespread inefficiency and corruption; widening inequality; and “the deterioration of our country’s material infrastructure。” “Formally democratic institutions do not guarantee a workable social order。” A misplaced compassion (which I identify with, though Lasch does not, excessive feminization) pervades social relations, destroying the quest for excellence through the creation of double standards, which are “a recipe for second-class citizenship。” Despite the claims of some that institutions make a democracy work, Lasch says it is actually civic virtue that makes a democracy work—and we’ve been living off civic virtue borrowed from the past。 Instead of civic virtue, we get demands for tolerance coupled with a rejection of universal standards, and we get demands for unearned respect of every person, no matter how meager his accomplishments or how great his failings。 Once again, all these things have gotten far worse, along the same axes identified by Lasch。While Lasch’s attacks on the elites in this first part of the book get the most attention, and they are certainly deserved, those attacks are much less important than his affirmative prescriptions for the right kind of society, which occupy the second part of the book。 Not because those prescriptions will have any effect on our elites, who are a lost cause, and probably were even in 1995。 Rather, because they can inform our new elite, after we wipe clean the slate。 Lasch offers thoughts that revolve around, more or less, communitarianism and discourse。By communitarianism, he does not mean the fake, astroturfed communitarianism of cretins such as David Brooks。 Rather, he means the actual reestablishment of lost community。 And by discourse, he means how members of society communicate among themselves as a whole society。 “Civic life requires settings in which people meet as equals。” Much of what Lasch says has a resonance with the work of Chris Arnade, who in particular focuses on informal meeting places as does Lasch。 Where neighborhood social intercourse disappears, and where those who control the levers of financial power of a town no longer live in or have any other connection to the town (as happened to, for one of many examples, Lancaster, Ohio, as chronicled in Glass House), civil society necessarily fractures, completely aside from what the elites of the larger nation may be doing, or not doing。 Robust discourse, with its formation of networks, further helps democracy in that it pushes back against the idea that information flow and government action should be reserved to experts。 It also helps bridge racial gaps, and in general, binds a society’s divisions。 I note that one of the many heinous problems unnecessarily imposed on us by the hyper-feminized reaction to the Wuhan Plague is the destruction of nearly all face-to-face discourse; Lasch would be appalled。He would also be appalled by how American “conservatives” prostituted themselves to corporate and business interests over the past quarter century。 Among the many idols of our elites that Lasch identifies as harmful to community, the divinization of the market is probably the one on which he focuses most, at least as it relates to normal men and women。 (Identity politics and similar abominations receive much of his focus as well, but there the focus is the effects on the elites。) His analysis has much in common with Robert Nisbet, Jane Jacobs, and Wilhelm Röpke; he specifically adduces Jacobs。 The overly-exalted market corrodes social cohesion, which results in the state inserting itself more and more into private lives and communities, weakening social trust, responsibility, and civic virtue。 Lasch did not foresee the parallel idolatry of explosive consumerism, where cheap tat from China has become a substitute for community, a salve for the meaningless and empty lives of most Americans, but he would not be surprised, nor that the combination of the internet and an unwillingness to muzzle the market has exacerbated many of the problems he did identify, in particular increasing the power of those who rule the market。The Revolt of the Elites was spat on by the elites when it came out; just read the review given to it by the New York Times。 A prophet, and less a Jeremiah, and even less an ideological traitor, is never honored among his own。 And Lasch pulled no punches in his attacks on precisely the type of person who wrote for the NYT, so they returned the favor。 No matter, now; Lasch was proved right, but his enemies won the war。Lasch asks, at one point, “How much longer can the spirit of free inquiry and open debate survive under these conditions?” Fifteen years, give or take, was the answer; by 2010 free inquiry and debate had taken their first major hits (going beyond the decades-long control by the Left of the major media), and now, with the massive and ever-more-aggressive iron clampdown by the Lords of Tech, we are seeing that the American future will be one of samizdat, just as in the Soviet Union—although, fortunately, of more efficient samizdat, enabled to circulate far faster due to technological aids that help route around censorship。 (This week Amazon announced it intends to hugely increase censorship on its Amazon Web Services platform, which powers forty percent of the internet, and whose censorship was a key element of destroying Parler when that service threated the narrative hegemony of the Left。) No matter。 We’re going to win the future, because we’re going to win the next war, and while this book may not be crucial in forming the future (I’d point to books like Alasdair MacIntyre’s After Virtue for that), Lasch did what he could to help point the way, for which he should be honored。 。。。more