Strategic Vision: America and the Crisis of Global Power

Strategic Vision: America and the Crisis of Global Power

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  • Create Date:2021-10-12 09:56:20
  • Update Date:2025-09-06
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  • Author:Zbigniew Brzeziński
  • ISBN:0465061818
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Summary

By 1991, following the disintegration first of the Soviet bloc and then of the Soviet Union itself, the United States was left standing tall as the only global super-power。 The 21st century seemed destined to be yet another American century。 But that optimism did not last long as the stock market bubble and the costly foreign unilateralism of the younger Bush presidency, as well as the financial catastrophe of 2008 jolted America – and much of the West – into a sudden recognition of its systemic vulnerability to unregulated greed。 In Strategic Vision, esteemed author and former National Security Advisor, Zbigniew Brzezinski argues that to quell mounting anxieties about the growing capacity for Eastern economic and technological innovation, America must define and pursue a long-term geopolitical vision。 Only in this way will it become more strategically deliberate and historically enlightened in its global engagement with the new East。 A tactical blueprint, Strategic Vision argues that without an America that is economically vital, socially appealing, responsibly powerful, and capable of sustaining an intelligent foreign engagement, the geopolitical prospects for the West could become increasingly grave。

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Reviews

Kənan Kərimov

The main and only reason why I rate this book with 3 stars is that the author is not neutral on geopolitical issues, he writes from the US point of view。

Luc

We may find out that the afterword section of the paperback edition gives us a good summary of the principal arguments of the book。My favourite quote: "The great challenge today is not hegemony, but turmoil, and coping with the latter requires strategic vision, firmness of purpose, and a clear sense of our values (p。 190)。" That is the challenge that the current Biden administration must face today。 We may find out that the afterword section of the paperback edition gives us a good summary of the principal arguments of the book。My favourite quote: "The great challenge today is not hegemony, but turmoil, and coping with the latter requires strategic vision, firmness of purpose, and a clear sense of our values (p。 190)。" That is the challenge that the current Biden administration must face today。 。。。more

Audrius Slanina

Idomios įžvalgos, kurių nemaža dalis atsispindi ir šiuolaikiniuose tarptautiniuose santykiuose

Don

Terrible。 Describes all of the shortcomings of the U。S。 and the west in general, then prescribes more of the things that caused those shortcomings as a supposed cure。

Charles

Summary breakdown of the international relations recommendations in 2012。 Nothing particularly shocking - just very interesting to revisit after all the Trump-era changes。

Jeffrey

Even before remarking on the content of Brzezinski's last book, I would note its excessively Latinate prose, a feature that reduces the force of his arguments and probably accounts for no small part of what many Goodreads reviewers describe as a dry text。 Likely this has to do with the fact that English was not Brzezinski's first language and his own self-perception as an foreign policy intellectual。 Whatever the reason, it distracts rather than enhances。 Compare his prose to an author such as R Even before remarking on the content of Brzezinski's last book, I would note its excessively Latinate prose, a feature that reduces the force of his arguments and probably accounts for no small part of what many Goodreads reviewers describe as a dry text。 Likely this has to do with the fact that English was not Brzezinski's first language and his own self-perception as an foreign policy intellectual。 Whatever the reason, it distracts rather than enhances。 Compare his prose to an author such as Robert Kagan, who makes much more forceful geopolitical arguments that are just as erudite as Brzezinski's by using a rich diet of short and simple Germanic words。 The difference couldn't be more pronounced。Even were Brzezinski a more capable stylist, I would still find both his analysis and his prescriptions lacking。 His vision of the world, so incongruent given his biography, is equivalent to those who fancy visions of the son of a coal miner and the daughter of a banker skipping happily down the street together。 It's of course easy to read and comment on the book with the perspective of a decade's hindsight, but even if read when first published his fantastically optimistic hopes for Russia's integration into the community of the West would have been fatuous。 Brzezinski nods to history, but doesn't seem to want to account for it when it doesn't fit in with his own liberal internationalist worldview。On China, I found his analysis to be more helpful, but often inclined to having it both ways; on the one hand。。。on the other hand。。。 Brzezinski's notion of a strategic Chinese-Japanese-American triad sounds hunky-dory but directly cuts against his larger idea that America should serve as an offshore balancer in Asia。 There would be no balance to a world in which the Chinese and the Japanese were working in lockstep, even if faraway America were supposedly involved。 That said, I do think his emphasis on Chinese strategic patience, historically conditioned, and on the lack of Chinese interest in exporting its ideology are even more timely things to remember today, in a world were Sino-American tensions have been ratcheted up for domestic political reasons on both sides, than they were a decade ago。Another instance of Brzezinski having it both ways is his analysis of India。 When first broaching the subject of Indian democracy he discredits it, suggesting that the Indian populace is not yet politically awake enough to participate in a real democracy。 He faults India for having a nation that is less coherent in identity than China and warns that the U。S。 should not strengthen it's relationship with the Indians in such a way that will upset China。 But when it comes to dealing with China he says the U。S。 must within reason prize Indian democracy as an alternative to Chinese style authoritarianism。 More than any other discussion in the book, his ideas about India's role in the world, and the possibility that offers to U。S。 foreign policymakers, conveyed the intrinsic weakness of his strategic vision。Having served at the highest levels of government, Brzezinski is very attuned to the ways in which internal politics shape geopolitical interactions。 While it's an important perspective, I would argue that more often external politics are used by savvy operators within all governments to shape domestic politics, especially in a world relatively free of major conflicts。 That's not to say a grand strategy should not account at all for things like the mass political awakenings that Brzezinski describes, but it's an even greater pitfall to allow those issues to obscure larger, more historical dynamics at play in the international arena。 (C) Jeffrey L。 Otto, May 21, 2021 。。。more

HANî

من المهم جدا قراءة هذا الكتاب لكل مهتم بالشأن السياسي。。 تم تأليف الكتاب قبل عشر سنوات تقريبا وحاول بريجنسكي في هذا العمل تحديد مشاكل أمريكا وأسباب تدهورها العالمي وتقديم حلول من أجل العمل على تجديد أمريكا وضمان بقائها في الريادة العالمية ومجابهة الصعود الصاروخي للصين والدول الآسيوية عموما وتحول مركز القوة من الغرب إلى الشرق。。 من أهم الحلول التي قدمها بريجنسكي هي العمل على تجديد أمريكا داخليا ومحاولة إصلاح مشاكلها الداخلية المتأزمة والعمل على تجديد أوربا التي بدأت تضعف وتفقد بريقها وتحولت إلى عبء من المهم جدا قراءة هذا الكتاب لكل مهتم بالشأن السياسي。。 تم تأليف الكتاب قبل عشر سنوات تقريبا وحاول بريجنسكي في هذا العمل تحديد مشاكل أمريكا وأسباب تدهورها العالمي وتقديم حلول من أجل العمل على تجديد أمريكا وضمان بقائها في الريادة العالمية ومجابهة الصعود الصاروخي للصين والدول الآسيوية عموما وتحول مركز القوة من الغرب إلى الشرق。。 من أهم الحلول التي قدمها بريجنسكي هي العمل على تجديد أمريكا داخليا ومحاولة إصلاح مشاكلها الداخلية المتأزمة والعمل على تجديد أوربا التي بدأت تضعف وتفقد بريقها وتحولت إلى عبء على أكتافها وقد طرح ودعم بشدة فكرة ضم روسيا وتركيا إلى الاتحاد الأوربي والعمل على احتوائهما في المنظومة الغربية。。بريجنسكي لا يرى عالم ما بعد أمريكا صينيا بل يراه فوضويا وهذه الفوضى قد تسبب حروبا مدمرة خاصة مع الأزمات الآسيوية المتعددة والقنابل الموقوتة كالصراع الكوري الشمالي والجنوبي والصراع الهندي الباكستاني وأزمة كشمير والتنافس بين الهند والصين والصراع الصيني الروسي وأزمات الشرق الأوسط والمشكلة الفلسطينية الإسرائيلية وغيرها。。 كل هذه الأزمات وما سيترتب عن انسحاب أمريكا وتراجعها وتخليها عن دور الشرطي العالمي قد يفجر المنطقة بأكملها ويقود إلى حروب مدمرة。。 。。。more

Aspar

Copied from other review, great summary of book- For self。"The book consists of four chapters which illustrates current state of affairs the world by 2025 (first two chapters), and geopolitical balance after 2025。The first part of the book is about today’s reality of the West residing power as well as waning American dream in the face of raising new powers Asia such as Japan, India, and China。 Distribution of political power on the global arena in last three years questioned further dominance of Copied from other review, great summary of book- For self。"The book consists of four chapters which illustrates current state of affairs the world by 2025 (first two chapters), and geopolitical balance after 2025。The first part of the book is about today’s reality of the West residing power as well as waning American dream in the face of raising new powers Asia such as Japan, India, and China。 Distribution of political power on the global arena in last three years questioned further dominance of the USA in Far East。 Meanwhile, American latest war in Afghanistan and Iraq devastated the economy of country and increased its national debt。 Overall, the global investable processes create a new world order, which the author refers as “post-American。”In the third part of the book, “The world After America”, Brzezinski agues how future world order will look like。 In contrast to many other authors, Brzezinski considers that Asian powers aren’t going to replace the USA , and the world will be “not Chinese ,but chaotic。” Also, he gives several possible scenarios of global turmoil in case if the USA hegemony would be completely eliminated。The last part of the book is “Beyond 2025” is where Brzezinski gives recommendation on what kind of role the USA should play in the international arena。 In this part, the author lacks to provide any specifics of how, for example, the USA should maintain balance in the East。 On one side, emphasizing the involvement of the USA in regional institutions, on the other side, Brzezinski warns the USA to avoid involvement in military conflicts in Asia。" 。。。more

Marcel Patulacci

Outdated for the most part, but interesting geopolitical propositions。 It's quite ironical to observe, that what Brzezinski had warned against back in 2o12, has quickly become reality。 Outdated for the most part, but interesting geopolitical propositions。 It's quite ironical to observe, that what Brzezinski had warned against back in 2o12, has quickly become reality。 。。。more

andrase

Kissinger is way better。 Way too much america-focused and contains a lot of stupid wishful thinking。 None of its predictions proved to be accurate。

Scott

Very good book。 Although I think much of this book is now irrelevant due to the changed nature of US global leadership and the pandemic。

Paul Dabrowa

Great analysis of the rise of China and Russia。

S

3。5

Kuszma

Ez volt a legjobb XX。 századi geopolitikai elemzés azok közül, amiket eddig olvastam – a sors iróniája, hogy egy olyan nevű szerző tollából, akit nem feltétlenül mernék megnevezni beszélgetés során。 (Hihetetlen, micsoda feleslegük lehet a lengyeleknek mássalhangzóból! Nem akarnak velünk párat elcselélni ékezetes magánhangzóra?) Brzezinski nagyjából ugyanazon a vonalon indul el, mint az amerikai mélázók többsége: a Nyugat válságából és az új aspiránsok megerősödéséből, aminek köszönhetően a hatal Ez volt a legjobb XX。 századi geopolitikai elemzés azok közül, amiket eddig olvastam – a sors iróniája, hogy egy olyan nevű szerző tollából, akit nem feltétlenül mernék megnevezni beszélgetés során。 (Hihetetlen, micsoda feleslegük lehet a lengyeleknek mássalhangzóból! Nem akarnak velünk párat elcselélni ékezetes magánhangzóra?) Brzezinski nagyjából ugyanazon a vonalon indul el, mint az amerikai mélázók többsége: a Nyugat válságából és az új aspiránsok megerősödéséből, aminek köszönhetően a hatalom mintha keletre tolódna。 Ennek elsődleges oka, hogy az USA (jelentős részben önhibájából) elvesztegette az ideológiai-geopolitikai előnyt, ami a keleti blokk szétesése után az ölébe esett, így már nem vitatlan örök időkig tartó monopóliuma。 Brzezinski fejtegetései világosan vázolják az általa elképzelt helyzetet, de nem ez benne a pláne (nettó hülyeségeket is lehet világosan fejtegetni): alapvetően két eleme miatt volt üdítő olvasni。Az egyik, hogy lényegesen diverzifikáltabban láttatja a helyzetet, mint kollégáinak többsége。 Európát nem csak Amerika függelékeként említi, olyan szánalmas, katonailag nem számottevő egységként, ami némi vállvonogatásnál többet nem érdemel, hanem mint sajátos konstrukciót saját problémákkal, egy folyamatban lévő kísérletet, aminek a sikerre csak bizonyos rendszerszintű változások mellett van esélye。 (De úgy van esélye。) A felemelkedő aspiránsok vizsgálatakor is tartózkodik attól, hogy homogén tömböknek tekintse őket, és sok hangsúlyt fektet egymáshoz való viszonyukra is。 (Ehhez csinos kis táblázatokat is igénybe vesz。) Kínát például nem önmagában, hanem Kelet-Ázsia teljes geopolitikai rendszerében mutatja be – a felemelkedő Indiával, Japánnal és az agresszív nacionalizmusra hajlamos Oroszországgal együtt, jelezve, hogy az USÁ-val ellentétben egy globális elsőbbségre vágyakozó Kínának előbb egy nagyon sűrű közegben kell valamiféle stabilitást létrehoznia。 Amennyiben ezt elmulasztja (és itt meglebegtet Brzezinski is egy analógiát) könnyen olyan helyzetbe navigálhatja magát, mint a szintén viharos gyorsasággal felemelkedő Németország az első világháború előtti Európában。A másik plusz ebben a könyvben (ami természetesen valahol az első logikus következménye), hogy Brzezinski a történelmet nem eleve elrendelt eseménysorként kezeli, katasztrofikus forgatókönyveket zúdítva az olvasóra, hanem mértéktartóan, választási lehetőségek sorozataként。 Egy ország vizsgálatakor a prókat és a kontrákat is végigveszi, kiemelve, mely erősségekre támaszkodva tudja elkerülni a bukást。 Megoldási alternatívái is szeretnivalóan pacifisták, ahol csak lehet, a békés megegyezést, a konszenzust tartja alkalmazandónak akár Európáról és Oroszországról*, akár Amerikáról és Kínáról van szó, felismerve, hogy egy globális kereskedelmi viszonyrendszerben akár egy regionális apokalipszis is borzasztó gazdasági következményekkel jár。 Ez ugyan nem teszi lehetetlenné a háborúkat (különösen ha a nacionalista populizmus átveszi az irányítást az elmék fölött), de elviselhetetlenül költségessé teszi őket, aminek köszönhetően a győztes is veszít。 Okos, mértéktartó írás, nem jóslás kávézaccból, hanem a szükséges kompromisszumok megmutatása még időben, hogy ne akkor sírjon a szánk, mikor már késő。* Kifejezetten érdekes B。 fejtegetése Törökország EU-s csatlakozásának szükségességéről – természetesen csak azután, hogy bizonyos demokratikus szabványoknak megfelelteti rendszerét。 Ezzel az EU amellett, hogy kontroll alá helyezhetné az instabil Közel-Keletet (nagy jót téve az USÁ-nak is), bizonyítaná, hogy az iszlám és a liberális demokrácia nem összeegyeztethetetlen – opciót kínálva a manapság még igen harmatos arab demokratikus ellenzéknek is。 Viszont az EU és Törökország elhidegülése valószínűleg oda vezetne, hogy az Európa második legnagyobb katonaságával rendelkező nemzet elindulna a radikalizmus útján。 。。。more

Oleksandr Golovatyi

Лучшие цитаты:"В действительности Советский Союз мог соперничать с Америкой только в одной сфере – военной мощи。""Способность привлекать и ассимилировать иностранцев, с одной стороны, укрепляет демографическую базу Америки, а с другой – улучшает долгосрочные экономические перспективы и повышает международный престиж。""Беларусь, несмотря на открытое давление со стороны Путина, отказалась признавать независимость Южной Осетии и Абхазии (которую Россия провозгласила после столкновения с Грузией в 2 Лучшие цитаты:"В действительности Советский Союз мог соперничать с Америкой только в одной сфере – военной мощи。""Способность привлекать и ассимилировать иностранцев, с одной стороны, укрепляет демографическую базу Америки, а с другой – улучшает долгосрочные экономические перспективы и повышает международный престиж。""Беларусь, несмотря на открытое давление со стороны Путина, отказалась признавать независимость Южной Осетии и Абхазии (которую Россия провозгласила после столкновения с Грузией в 2008 году)。""Не требующее от России особых усилий или затрат поглощение Беларуси поставит под удар будущее Украины как по-настоящему суверенного государства。""Россия будет тихой сапой внедряться в украинскую службу безопасности и силовые структуры, чтобы ослабить способность Украины защитить в случае необходимости свою независимость。""общемировые потребности в воде будут удваиваться каждые 20 лет""России принадлежит в Арктике огромная территория и большой запас природных богатств。 Ее доля внутри Северного Полярного круга составляет 3,1 миллиона км (что сопоставимо с площадью Индии), на Арктику приходится 91 % добычи российского природного газа, 80 % разведанных газовых месторождений, 90 % шельфовых углеводородных запасов и большие залежи металлов""Европа, к сожалению, не видит дальше своего носа, Россия оглядывается в прошлое, Китай смотрит в собственное будущее, а Индия, с завистью, – на Китай。""В отличие от России Турция никогда не впадала ни в манихейские страсти по истреблению собственного народа, ни в тоталитаризм。""Япония считается третьей по величине экономикой мира, лишь недавно уступив Китаю второе место。""Тайваню понадобилось около 60 лет на переход – при внушительной поддержке и сочувствии Штатов – от авторитаризма к конституционной демократии。" 。。。more

Me

Smart guy

عامر شافع

تكلم كثيرا على الدور الصيني وتطلعه للتفوق عالميا يحتوي على مجموعة كبيرة من الارقام و الإحصاءات ويذكر كيف يمكن لامريكا ان تستمر في سيطرتها على العالم وامكانياتها المتوفرة، لكنه يذكر ان العالم بعد سنة 2025 ليس صينيا وانما فوضويااهمل ايضا نقطة مهمة في العالم يمكن ان تغير مساره وهي اذا تمكن العالم الاسلامي من التوحد ليصبح دولة واحدة قد يقلب موازين كل العالم

Quintillis K。

While this book, written in 2012, has already become OBE, it is an eye opening view of where we could be, and a sobering view of where we may definitely be headed with the current administration。

David Vargas

Muy buen análisis Como siempre nos tiene acostumbrados, Brzezinski efectúa un análisis geopolitico y relacionamiento de Estados Unidos con países de interés, proponiendo en este caso cuál debería ser el curso de acción a seguir, más favorable a los intereses norteamericanos。

Ramil

Brzezinski has an ultimately shrewd vision regarding strategic issues。 But when it comes to Russia, he begin to speak so foolhead。 Overall rating is beyond 3 but i consider this book deserve not even 2。 Brzezinski just seek a pretext for retaining of US power to proceed。 Please, if you want to read this book dont forget this is US favorable world view and regarding the rest of the world this book provide blurred vision to understand the real world politics。

Federico

Interesting book from a man who is part of the matter。 Probably needs more "edge" in his look of the State of the Union。 It is disturbing to check some of his warnings in view of the present。 Very well writed! Thank to the author for share his great experience and knowledge! Interesting book from a man who is part of the matter。 Probably needs more "edge" in his look of the State of the Union。 It is disturbing to check some of his warnings in view of the present。 Very well writed! Thank to the author for share his great experience and knowledge! 。。。more

Tamer Alshazly

I Always loved Zbigniew Brzezinski books, unparalleled thinker in the modern geopolitics。 Skillfully crafting America’s “walk-through” if - and only if- America wishes to lead the world throughout the 21st century, but genuinely doubt that it would last beyond 2025, and Trump might prove to be the epilogue of the “American Century。” The menace of this book is basically its core strength, i mean - who ever wish, need or have destroy America will definitely find the blue-print within this book。

James

I listened to the audio version of this book on Audible。Brzezinski's analysis is insightful and reflects the mind of a thinker with deep knowledge on the subject。 Although presented in a very dry manner, some of that may be due to the narrator's voice timbre and reading style。While I recognize Brzezinski's mastery of the topic of international relations, and would never presume to challenge his knowledge, I nevertheless had two major issues with this book:First, Brzezinski's predictions are unif I listened to the audio version of this book on Audible。Brzezinski's analysis is insightful and reflects the mind of a thinker with deep knowledge on the subject。 Although presented in a very dry manner, some of that may be due to the narrator's voice timbre and reading style。While I recognize Brzezinski's mastery of the topic of international relations, and would never presume to challenge his knowledge, I nevertheless had two major issues with this book:First, Brzezinski's predictions are uniformly linear。 While it's never easy to accurately predict chaos (punctuated equilibrium, exogenous shocks, etc。, depending on your academic bent), an insightful look into the crystal ball should at least include the possibility of such things happening。Some examples of chaos that have been introduced into the system since this book was published include:(a) The populist backlash against too-rapid implementation of social engineering resulting in the election of Donald Trump in the USA, the Great Britain exit from the EU, election of right-leaning populists in Hungary and other European nations, and so on, which have led at a minimum to varying degrees of fractured national unity;(b) Putin's re-ascendance to the Russian presidency and his concomitant actions to reassert Russia as a world power, and Xi's decision to become "President for life" in China;(c) The seeming detente between North and South Korea and any attendant reduction in tension;Any one of these events could affect Brzezinski's thesis of a declining U。S。 influence in the world and, in my opinion, should be accounted for by at least a dummy variable in the equation。Second, I detected quite a bit of influence in Brzenski's analyses of his political bias。 While no one can avoid all bias in writing a scholarly work, it should be less easily apparent than it was in this work。All in all, a worthwhile investment of time listening to the words of a brilliant thinker。 。。。more

Jimmy

Here's another one from the Chief of Staff reading list。  As always, I read it now because it became available。  There's a lesson here too。  If you put a hold on a dozen or so books at once, several will probably become available at the same time。  Then you have to listen or read fast。  I'm usually a 1。5x guy but I've listened to the last few at 2。0x。  It's great while working out but it can be awkward when you're doing dishes。  Lesson learned。So, Strategic Vision was written by Zbigniew Brzezin Here's another one from the Chief of Staff reading list。  As always, I read it now because it became available。  There's a lesson here too。  If you put a hold on a dozen or so books at once, several will probably become available at the same time。  Then you have to listen or read fast。  I'm usually a 1。5x guy but I've listened to the last few at 2。0x。  It's great while working out but it can be awkward when you're doing dishes。  Lesson learned。So, Strategic Vision was written by Zbigniew Brzezinski。  Mr。 Brzezinski was the National Security Advisor to President Jimmy Carter。  According to his Goodreads bio, he is often considered "Democrats' response to Republican realist Henry Kissinger。"  He was thought hawkish at a time when many were not after the Vietnam War。  I found that exceptionally interesting as Strategic Vision is not a hawkish take。Strategic Vision examines the state of America and her place in the world while looking towards the future and what can be expected。  Given this book was written in 2011, I found it extremely prescient。  Mr。 Brzezinski foresaw Russia's aggressive excursion into Ukraine, not in specific terms as it was not a prediction, but rather Russia's need for natural resources and possible locations to acquire them。  He discusses the need for strong leaders to maintain America's role as a superpower going forward and that most problems will not be solved militarily。I really enjoyed this book but, and this is a big one, it is matched very much by my own world view。  I hope that my enjoyment of this book is not directly tied to the degree of confirmation bias it provided me。 。。。more

Knarik

A bit outdated, which made reading his prognosis - most of it closely matching our current reality - even more interesting。

Hammad Alhajri

في هذا البحث يحذر بريجنسكي ( وهو المفكر الأستراتيجي ومستشار الأمن القومي لدى كارتر بين عامي ١٩٧٧-١٩٨١ ) على ان تدهور الولايات المتحدة من الداخل والخارج مستقبلاً، سيسبب عواقب دولية وكذلك أزمة نفوذ وقوه وفوضى عارمة 。كما ينوه عن الصحوة السياسية والأقتصادية للشرق ، وعلى أمريكا أن تبذل جهوداً مشتركة ضد أخطار عالمية مثل الأنتشار النووي ، والتغيير المناخي ، والأستقرار الجيوسياسي في العالم وخاصة في الشرق。ولذلك يجب على أمريكا أن تتبنى استراتيجية مستجيبة لمصالحها الأقليمية ، وذلك بضم روسيا وتركيا الى الغر في هذا البحث يحذر بريجنسكي ( وهو المفكر الأستراتيجي ومستشار الأمن القومي لدى كارتر بين عامي ١٩٧٧-١٩٨١ ) على ان تدهور الولايات المتحدة من الداخل والخارج مستقبلاً، سيسبب عواقب دولية وكذلك أزمة نفوذ وقوه وفوضى عارمة 。كما ينوه عن الصحوة السياسية والأقتصادية للشرق ، وعلى أمريكا أن تبذل جهوداً مشتركة ضد أخطار عالمية مثل الأنتشار النووي ، والتغيير المناخي ، والأستقرار الجيوسياسي في العالم وخاصة في الشرق。ولذلك يجب على أمريكا أن تتبنى استراتيجية مستجيبة لمصالحها الأقليمية ، وذلك بضم روسيا وتركيا الى الغرب الحيوي لتعزيز وحدة غربية أكبر وأوسع ، وأما في الشرق لابد أن تعمل على تحقيق توازن بين الكتلة القارية الأسيوية بشرط عدم التورط بتدخل عسكري مباشر في تلك الصراعات الشرقية 。 。。。more

Weronika

I don't know why I expected a book like those written by political journalists or former politicians -- a combination of opinion based on personal insight and experience coupled with some rudimentary research/knowledge of the subject。 Well - wrong。 This is a book by Professor Brzezinski of Columbia university, 200+ pages of crisp writing, expertly progressing from the presentation of necessary historical and contextual background to masterfully argumented prognosis (which has already turned out I don't know why I expected a book like those written by political journalists or former politicians -- a combination of opinion based on personal insight and experience coupled with some rudimentary research/knowledge of the subject。 Well - wrong。 This is a book by Professor Brzezinski of Columbia university, 200+ pages of crisp writing, expertly progressing from the presentation of necessary historical and contextual background to masterfully argumented prognosis (which has already turned out to be accurate in some cases when it comes to the 2025 horizon, the book, in the end, was written in 2012)。 You may agree with his political orientation or not, share his goals or oppose them, but his intellectual rigour is truly awe-inspiring and, especially today, when we are burriend under fake news and sensationalism, deserves to be a model for emulation。 。。。more

Franklin Wang

In 1997, Zbigniew Brzezinski wrote the Grand Chessboard and suggested a way to strengthen E。U。, attract Russia, and cooperate with China。 At that time, he had a strong hope for U。S。 to take this probably only chance in human history for America to dominate the whole world。 There was a real chance。 11 years late, he wrote another book, evaluating how the three presidents, Bush, Clinton, and Bush, did in foreign policies, and gave them average C-。 Clearly, he wished Obama would head his advices。 I In 1997, Zbigniew Brzezinski wrote the Grand Chessboard and suggested a way to strengthen E。U。, attract Russia, and cooperate with China。 At that time, he had a strong hope for U。S。 to take this probably only chance in human history for America to dominate the whole world。 There was a real chance。 11 years late, he wrote another book, evaluating how the three presidents, Bush, Clinton, and Bush, did in foreign policies, and gave them average C-。 Clearly, he wished Obama would head his advices。 Indeed, Obama listened to him a lot。In 2012, he published this book, and confessed that the chance to dominate this world was gone, forever。 Europe was not going anywhere and would not become a strong power by itself。 Russia headed to a more nationalistic direction while the pivoting to Asia pushed China to take a confrontational stand。 Things didn't look good。 More importantly, he pointed out that current American weakness is not primarily external but internal。 The loss of confidence in Western model in general presented the deepest challenge to America。 Probably to his great disappointment, none of the six domestic weaknesses he pointed out have been sufficiently addressed by Obama。 Obama tried, but he was a far better orator than a leader。 The failures to address them eventually led to Trump's surprising victory, a possibility he presciently pointed out then。In 2016, he published another article, "Toward a Global Realignment" in American Interest, proposing his last grand plan for how to forge a new American-favor international order。 As Obama leaving office, his advice clearly intended for the coming president and he meant for Hillary Clinton。 But probably this time, his advices fell into completely deaf ears。He reminds me of an ancient Chinese strategist, 范增。 I wish America has a less divided political elites and public, who can then implement a consistent international policy, which would be good for the whole world。 But to ask American politicians to think beyond a few emotional loaded slogans and next election seems to be too much。So here we are, the next 10 years look pretty chaotic。 If previously the problem for America was the lack of consistent strategic visions and strong leadership, the current problem is that America is too weak to play that role any more, in all possible measurements。 In the coming decades, the strategic choices of Russia, Japan, Turkey, Iran, and possibly India will change the whole chessboard。 It is going to be exciting but also very dangerous。 I pray that the suffering will be little for this world and the better side of humanity would prevail。 。。。more

Eric Smith

Solid, informed, but not uniform in its quality。。。 at moments, particularly in the analysis of Turkey, Russia, China, and India's respective regional and bilateral (with the US) interests, Brezezinski is masterful, as is his analysis of American political-economic liabilities, but some of his geopolitics feel dated and his arguments cherry-picked - his emphasis on "the West" rubbed me very a la Toynbee and Huntington, sometimes for the better, sometimes for the worse, but never as effective as e Solid, informed, but not uniform in its quality。。。 at moments, particularly in the analysis of Turkey, Russia, China, and India's respective regional and bilateral (with the US) interests, Brezezinski is masterful, as is his analysis of American political-economic liabilities, but some of his geopolitics feel dated and his arguments cherry-picked - his emphasis on "the West" rubbed me very a la Toynbee and Huntington, sometimes for the better, sometimes for the worse, but never as effective as either of them; ditto his allusions to soft power (and ditto his not nailing it quite as well as Nye)。 A quick read, and if imperfect still worth the effort。 。。。more

Joseph

Believable and succinct stuff