Politics

National Populism: The Revolt Against Liberal Democracy

National Populism: The Revolt Against Liberal Democracy

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  • Author：Roger Eatwell
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Summary

Across the West， there is a rising tide of people who feel excluded， alienated from mainstream politics， and increasingly hostile towards minorities， immigrants and neo-liberal economics。 Many of these voters are turning to national populist movements， which have begun to change the face of Western liberal democracy， from the United States to France， Austria to the UK。

This radical turn， we are told， is a last howl of rage from an aging electorate on the verge of extinction。 Their leaders are fascistic and their politics anti-democratic; their existence a side-show to liberal democracy。 But this version of events， as Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin show， could not be further from the truth。

Written by two of the foremost experts on fascism and the rise of national populism， this lucid and deeply-researched book is a vital guide to our transformed political landscape。 Challenging conventional wisdoms， Eatwell and Goodwin make a compelling case for serious， respectful engagement with the supporters and ideas of national populism - not least because it is a tide that won't be stemmed anytime soon。

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Reviews

Joe Hill ，

Interesting but very formulaic - every paragraph was 'here is X assumption， here is a stat from the US disproving it， stat from Europe， stat from UK' over and over Interesting but very formulaic - every paragraph was 'here is X assumption， here is a stat from the US disproving it， stat from Europe， stat from UK' over and over 。。。more

Zach Watt ，

This is all worth a listen /read。 Moves beyond simplistic narratives and brings history， the broader West， as well as recent specifics such as Trump， Brexit， Le Pen et al。

David Steele ，

Conversational in style， witty， thoughtful and at times ironically playful。 The narrative deftly stepped through a highly emotive landscape， armed with carefully researched evidence and a comprehensive structure that managed to properly explain its point without unduly repeating itself or showing bias。 I feel now that I finally understand the full argument - and the reason for - the rise of popularism， and why so many people are drifting away from their core loyalties to try something else。

Stephen Hoffman ，

There was a definite need for this book。 In Snyder and Burleigh's works on populism and the rise of people like Trump I noticed as the writers in this book highlight a depiction of people who voted for populist parties， Trump etc as bigots， racists， old white men etc。 Often these views showed little evaluation of why people voted for populists and an attitude which reflected little on how those from mainstream parties had lost touch with many people。 There was also a lack of understanding and ev There was a definite need for this book。 In Snyder and Burleigh's works on populism and the rise of people like Trump I noticed as the writers in this book highlight a depiction of people who voted for populist parties， Trump etc as bigots， racists， old white men etc。 Often these views showed little evaluation of why people voted for populists and an attitude which reflected little on how those from mainstream parties had lost touch with many people。 There was also a lack of understanding and evaluation beyond calling people bigots etc of the rise in populism。 Indeed this sneering attitude explains in part why people turned to populists。 They felt ignored， stigmatised， belittled and left behind。 What those with these attitudes forgot is you can understand and look at why people turned to populists， without agreeing with the populist worldview。 Far better to understand why populism has become more popular and then criticise the ideology and how it provides false hope then just painting it as beyond the pale， a passing fad， the resorts of bigoted white males and those who vote for the likes of Trump as bigots beyond the pale who should be ignored。Equally hyperbolic comparisons with Nazi Germany etc did not help。 Given all this， the following book certainly had a reason to be published。This book highlights why populism has become more popular both for economic and cultural reasons and has been happening for a long period of time。 It backs this up with research from a plethora of sources and a wide range of polls， although I do feel this is cherry picked。 It highlights well how issues of culture， nationhood and identity have become just as if not more than important than economic factors。 This is a key reason along with less loyalty to political parties elections and voting are much more volatile than in the past。The book writes well on how a large section of people feel disenfranchised from the current political system， feel they are lacking a voice and think on issues such as immigration the established parties don't represent or listen to them。 The divide between elected politicians and many people has clearly become a growing issue and you don't have to agree with all the concerns of those voting for populists to recognise this。 It describes in fascinating detail the divides between those who have degrees and not degrees and how often those voting for populists are not unemployed and may even be doing economically well， but feel pessimistic for future generations and that they feel they are being left behind economically and culturally。 It points out this began a trend long before the financial crash， Brexit or the election of Trump。The book also writes well on events such as Brexit and Trump's election。There are a number of problems with this book however。1。 Far too often in the book it crosses from understanding and evaluating the rise of populism and why people vote for it to outright sympathy。 The problem with this is they become a mirror image of the established parties and what they call the Liberal elites。 Just as the people they criticise will not evaluate their own stances， the book far too often accepts with little evaluation the populist view of the world。 Between the views it criticises and populist explanations there is a middle ground。 In essence there was a2。 Anti-Muslim hate seems to be treated as a lesser form of hate than other forms of bigotry。 3。 It quotes Piketty， but there have been many who dispute the works of Piketty and his views on inequality。 This does not get a mention and shows a lack of grappling with different points of view to the narrative they present。4。 Some of the conclusions they've made have not met the test of time- for instance Trump losing the presidency， the higher level of African American and young voters in 2020 Presidential election， the reduction in support of Bolsanaro etc。 5。 In recent years in the UK although immigration is still an issue views have softened somewhat - this is not mentioned in the book。 I've linked to an Oxford study at the bottom。6。 The authors asserts on numerous occasions that outright racism is less of an issue worldwide and that levels of bigotry are down。 I'm not sure this is correct across the board， certainly not in places like Hungary and Poland。 In places like the UK this is most probably correct - but its not a hard and fast rule across the board。 The assertion made is not backed up by research or polling either。 Also as the murder of George Floyd showed racism is still a very live issue for many African Americans and was key to higher turnout among this group in the 2020 Presidential election。 7。 I feel the bigoted attitudes of some leading populists are downplayed。The book is written in an academic style， which makes it quite dry。 I don't have a problem with that， but I'm sure some would。This is a good look in to the rise of populism and what has caused it。 However there are a number of drawbacks in the book which mean there are significant flaws meaning I couldn't give it higher than a 3。 https://migrationobservatory。ox。ac。uk。。。 。。。more

Chris Hagen ，

A good primer on the root causes of national populism and very good at highlighting the longer trends behind it。 A few moments I was a bit dubious about but overall very solid

Andrei ，

Emmanuel Macron won the elections in France knowing he was facing millions of Frenchmen dissatisfied with the current socioeconomic declines facing the country。 A worrying but perfect setting for the emergence of dubious populist forces such as Marine Le Pen， known for racist and foreign-hating speeches。According to the book's authors， national populism is generous to right-wing populist leaders and compassionate to its supporters。 It is essential to know that national populism is only distingui Emmanuel Macron won the elections in France knowing he was facing millions of Frenchmen dissatisfied with the current socioeconomic declines facing the country。 A worrying but perfect setting for the emergence of dubious populist forces such as Marine Le Pen， known for racist and foreign-hating speeches。According to the book's authors， national populism is generous to right-wing populist leaders and compassionate to its supporters。 It is essential to know that national populism is only distinguished from nationalism and racism because its supporters do not see themselves in those terms。 Still， it is public knowledge that populism is again branching out around the world。 Examples abound， such as the election of Trump （in the United States） and Bolsonaro （in Brazil）， elected with preposterous promises and empty nationalist speeches that supported governments responsible for unspeakable atrocities in the past。I enjoyed analyzing the effects of Post-World War II on economics and politics， informative content within political science， and political theory for lay readers。 I agree with other expert opinions， which point out that the book's focus is on supporters of populist parties rather than leaders。 It is a book that does not end with itself， serving as a complement to non-fiction readings that address geopolitics。 。。。more

Tim ，

Very depressing but interesting， the liberal left is pretty fucked

Arnoldas Rutkauskas | Skaitovo kelionės ，

Nebloga studija apie nacionalpopulizmą， daug statistinių duomenų， kaip keitėsi tam tikrų grupių balsavimas už vieną ar kitą populistą bėgant metams。Pasigedau daugiau pavyzdžių。 Suprantu， kad rimtam kokybiniam tyrimui imtis negali būti pernelyg plati， tačiau užsiciklinimas tik ties Trumpu， Brexitu ir Le Pen truputį erzino （labai epizodiškai paliečiami Fidesz， Salvini， Alt-Right ir kitų valstybių radikalų klausimai）。Dar tas nuolatinis liberalizmo kalimas prie kryžiaus ir sistemiškai kartojamas nac Nebloga studija apie nacionalpopulizmą， daug statistinių duomenų， kaip keitėsi tam tikrų grupių balsavimas už vieną ar kitą populistą bėgant metams。Pasigedau daugiau pavyzdžių。 Suprantu， kad rimtam kokybiniam tyrimui imtis negali būti pernelyg plati， tačiau užsiciklinimas tik ties Trumpu， Brexitu ir Le Pen truputį erzino （labai epizodiškai paliečiami Fidesz， Salvini， Alt-Right ir kitų valstybių radikalų klausimai）。Dar tas nuolatinis liberalizmo kalimas prie kryžiaus ir sistemiškai kartojamas nacionalpopulizmo sekėjų nusivylimo esama socioekonomine padėtimi naratyvas。 Kartais toks vaizdas， jog patys autoriai stipriai prijaučia nacionalpopulizmui。Šiaip toks vidutinio lygio mokslinis skaitalas。 。。。more

Filipe Figueiroa ，

While it does a good job characterising those that vote for national populism， its depiction of the big national populist figures （Trump， Le Pen， Wilders， Orban， Brexit） is strangely inaccurate。 They're described as being in pursuit of a more fair and direct form of democracy that defends the welfare of those that feel like they've been left behind。 Recent events show that national populists have no interest in democracy no interest in the welfare of the population， as long as they're in power。O While it does a good job characterising those that vote for national populism， its depiction of the big national populist figures （Trump， Le Pen， Wilders， Orban， Brexit） is strangely inaccurate。 They're described as being in pursuit of a more fair and direct form of democracy that defends the welfare of those that feel like they've been left behind。 Recent events show that national populists have no interest in democracy no interest in the welfare of the population， as long as they're in power。Other than that， the 4 D's approach is interesting and does a good job structuring the processes that lead to the proliferation of national populism。 The main flaw is the authors heavy bias in describing immigration and the annoyingly overused exaggeration of 'hyper ethnic change'。 It could have been a nice book if the authors' biases and sympathy for national populism weren't so evident。 Disappointment with mainstream parties should not be leveraged to legitimise welcoming the divisive narratives of national populism 。。。more

Mehmet Sertgil ，

A brilliant work to understand National Populism and its’ roots。 Although it majorly focuses on the challenge at the western democracies， those who follow developing democracies， easily grasp the similarities。 After left-wing politics have shifted to the middle and adopted Globalization and capitalism， uneducated working-class， culturally conservatives， and elders but not only these parts of the societies but also some from every segment have found themselves speechless in the Parliament of thei A brilliant work to understand National Populism and its’ roots。 Although it majorly focuses on the challenge at the western democracies， those who follow developing democracies， easily grasp the similarities。 After left-wing politics have shifted to the middle and adopted Globalization and capitalism， uneducated working-class， culturally conservatives， and elders but not only these parts of the societies but also some from every segment have found themselves speechless in the Parliament of their countries。 This makes them apolitical till an important economic crisis hits them like the one in 2008。 Afterward， those speechless people diverted themselves to marginal parties that have a populist discourse。 Now it is a sociological reality， a very important challenge for Liberal Democracies。 Traditional left and right parties need to find ways to win back these masses otherwise populism-driven unstable and irrational political arena can be drifting societies into chaos。 To win back these people， first of all， their needs have to be understood and this book can be a guide。 。。。more

Nathan ，

Very interesting points。 A bit repetitive。

Kamil ，

Well researched， full of statistical data。 A bit dry and some comments （especially on populists' anti-immigration rhetoric and racist rhetoric） were quite problematic。 Also what is missing， it feels like the authors were saying that it's not only the worsening economic condition of the uneducated whites that is fueling the rise of populism but legitimate concerns of protection of social values of some communities and their culture。。。 I mean should the mainstream parties listen to bigotry， or edu Well researched， full of statistical data。 A bit dry and some comments （especially on populists' anti-immigration rhetoric and racist rhetoric） were quite problematic。 Also what is missing， it feels like the authors were saying that it's not only the worsening economic condition of the uneducated whites that is fueling the rise of populism but legitimate concerns of protection of social values of some communities and their culture。。。 I mean should the mainstream parties listen to bigotry， or educate and improve the social conditions of those in trouble？ I would say the latter， while it didn't come quite clearly through in the book。 。。。more

Bradley Endsor ，

In this book Matthew Goodwin and Roger Eatwell demonstrate that National populism is not a blip but is here to stay。 And they show how through distrust， destruction， deprivation and de-slignment liberal democracies are changing and the mainstream left and right have to wake up and face the truth。

Isabela The Binge Reader ，

Even though I like this subject and agree with most of what the writers have to say about it I didn’t like this book all that much。I found it prolix （I understood in the first chapter that I can’t only blame white men for the rising of this kind of politics， there was no need to keep saying it again and again and again） and lacking in theoretical basis， maybe I wish there were more references， more graphics。Anyway， stoped at 40% of it， I am not going to keep reading something I didn’t like while Even though I like this subject and agree with most of what the writers have to say about it I didn’t like this book all that much。I found it prolix （I understood in the first chapter that I can’t only blame white men for the rising of this kind of politics， there was no need to keep saying it again and again and again） and lacking in theoretical basis， maybe I wish there were more references， more graphics。Anyway， stoped at 40% of it， I am not going to keep reading something I didn’t like while there are some amazing books waiting for me。 。。。more

Ruiheng Yuning ，

This review has been hidden because it contains spoilers。 To view it， click here。 Straight to be point， the word democracy literally means the rule of the majority。 But the current western democracies are deviating from this corn concept and becomming ever liberal-dominant and elites-oriented。

Tom ，

Read this book in the bath its dry af， quite interesting though。 Whilst it points out the reasoning behind an increase in national populist voters， I couldnt help feel it side stepped a lot of clearly racist fuelled support。

Philip McCarthy ，

A very good point -rather dragged out。

Stefanos ，

Good read and discussion on perhaps the most crucial issue of our time。 The authors intend to take a middle-ground viewpoint and their choice is likely to annoy both sides （broadly defined as liberals and conservatives）。 They argue that national populism （expressed by the rise of the alt right， Trump， Farage， Wilders， Orban， et al。） is here to stay and has been with us for a long time， brewing in the background of mainstream media， parties， and pollsters。 They do make a good point on the importa Good read and discussion on perhaps the most crucial issue of our time。 The authors intend to take a middle-ground viewpoint and their choice is likely to annoy both sides （broadly defined as liberals and conservatives）。 They argue that national populism （expressed by the rise of the alt right， Trump， Farage， Wilders， Orban， et al。） is here to stay and has been with us for a long time， brewing in the background of mainstream media， parties， and pollsters。 They do make a good point on the importance of the four Ds: a） distrust （to politicians and the political system）， b） destruction （left-behinds worry that the world is collapsing around them）， c） deprivation （relative poverty and failure to be included in the brave new world of globalization， massive profits， service jobs， education， and liberal ideas）， d） de-alignment （voters are not loyal to parties and public vote is volatile beyond the ability of pollsters or policy makers to trace）。 Indeed it seems that half of the electorate needs to be taken seriously if we are to move forward ， beyond current polarisation。 Despite liberal argumentation， national populism will not go away on its own， after economic growth， or more fair distribution of wealth。 The serous issues of immigration and inclusivity， the authors argue， must be put to a debate where both sides are given an equal share of the spotlight。 It is a bit hard to take in and I found myself objecting all the time that the whole scepticism on human mobility is grounded on misunderstanding and insufficient knowledge of collective identities and self-belonging。 The authors do not seem to discuss much what national populists actually do when they come to power; they leave that to others。 For this reason， among others， I think this book is better read not on its own， but requires an understanding of both points and a book discussing each side of the argument （brace yourselves！）。 。。。more

Alex Strohschein ，

The astonishing "Brexit" of the UK from the EU and elections of Donald Trump in the USA （2016）， Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil （2018）， and （re-election of） Boris Johnson in the UK has shocked pundits and the public in the West。 Alongside these， support for "national populists" has grown in countries such as France， Germany， Italy， and Eastern Europe。 Many in the West are perturbed that millions have thrown their support behind national populist strongmen but Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin provide a The astonishing "Brexit" of the UK from the EU and elections of Donald Trump in the USA （2016）， Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil （2018）， and （re-election of） Boris Johnson in the UK has shocked pundits and the public in the West。 Alongside these， support for "national populists" has grown in countries such as France， Germany， Italy， and Eastern Europe。 Many in the West are perturbed that millions have thrown their support behind national populist strongmen but Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin provide an accessible and empathetic account of why national populism has ascended， why we should have seen it coming， and why it will likely remain on the political scene for years to come。 National populist support derives largely from the uneducated and working classes who also tend to live in rural areas and places where industry has been exported to cheaper countries of production including China。 These voters have not been able to financially thrive in the neoliberal economy that has left them behind （while the cosmopolitan political elite sniff that they can "learn to code"）。 Recently， some Democratic politicians in the USA have proposed forgiving post-secondary debt; yet this is still a benefit for the educated rather than the working class as this helps the sociology major from Berkerley， not the Walgreen's cashier in Kansas or the waitress at Applebee's。 Additionally， these voters tend to be more traditional in their values and oppose the identity politics that social liberals have catapulted to the top of political agendas rather than putting forth economic reforms to help the working class。 National populist voters also have pride in their country's heritage but can view immigration and multiculturalism as a threat; they question why they should be expected to pay to support low-skill immigrants and those who do not meaningful participate in their economy and fear that these immigrants （particularly from Muslim countries） will undermine their country's values （though I think that Muslims and social conservatives and Christians might actually find in each other allies on certain issues like religious liberty）。 Europeans in particular have witnessed streams of refugees pouring into Europe and Islamic terrorism in the twenty-first century。 Even in Canada， our multicultural "mosaic" differs sharply from the USA's "melting pot"; the former encourages ethnic minorities to maintain cultural traditions whereas the melting pot boils off elements of ethnic diversity in favour of a generalized American monoculture。 Yet I've also witnessed the ways in which some larger ethnic minorities are able to create alternative ethnic communities removed from mainstream Canadian culture， where they do not even need to bother learning one of our country's official languages。 This leads to questions of what is civic duty and can help fuel the populist attitude among Canadians。All in all， this has been one of the best reads of 2020 and I will be heartily recommending this to those who flippantly point to Trump and his braggadocio and sneer that national populists are bigots and fascists; rather， Eatwell and Goodwin effectively demonstrate how the snide accusation that national populists are fascist is entirely nonsensical if one is paying attention to history。 The book also showcases national populism on a global scale， relating how Marine Le Pen， Nigel Farage， Viktor Orban， and others have been able to gather political support; indeed， the authors contemplate that a "national populism-lite" practiced by centre-right parties in the way of restrictions on immigration and big government programs for the working classes （e。g。 government-sponsored health care） might be the future of Western conservatism。 。。。more

Eduardo Telles ，

Livro que busca identificar os motivos da ascensão desse movimento político que sacode os partidos tradicionais e a democracia liberal há algum tempo。Os autores dividem as motivações em alguns grandes grupos:- crise de representatividade oriunda da distância social e educacional entre os eleitores （principalmente aqueles sem ensino universitario） e seus representantes - crise de identidade em função das rápidas mudanças sociais e culturais advindas da imigração， das pautas identitarias pós mater Livro que busca identificar os motivos da ascensão desse movimento político que sacode os partidos tradicionais e a democracia liberal há algum tempo。Os autores dividem as motivações em alguns grandes grupos:- crise de representatividade oriunda da distância social e educacional entre os eleitores （principalmente aqueles sem ensino universitario） e seus representantes - crise de identidade em função das rápidas mudanças sociais e culturais advindas da imigração， das pautas identitarias pós materialistas e da globalização， além da menor soberania nacional em detrimento de órgãos multilaterais- perda de relevância econômica de uma classe média menos instruída e aumento da desigualdade de renda， consequência das inovações tecnológicas e do comércio internacional Os líderes populistas souberam explorar as aflições mencionadas acima， vocalizando soluções em discursos simples e diretos， o que atraiu uma parcela importante da população que está（va） desiludida com a política。Para mim， a leitura foi um despertar para entender essas pessoas que se sentem tão desprestigiadas e não representadas no mundo que as hospeda。 。。。more

Paulla Ferreira Pinto ，

Numa palavra: EDUCAÇÃO。Fundamental para combater movimentos mais ou menos inorgânicos - com franca tendência para se institucionalizarem- que exploram os receios mais profundos， ainda que não inteiramente fundados mas também não totalmente desfasados da realidade objectiva （independentemente da avaliação que possamos fazer das perspectivas subjectivas vulneráveis ao populismo）。Quanto mais educadas， mais imunes ficam as pessoas ao discurso nacional populista。Portanto， educação precisa-se。。。 para Numa palavra: EDUCAÇÃO。Fundamental para combater movimentos mais ou menos inorgânicos - com franca tendência para se institucionalizarem- que exploram os receios mais profundos， ainda que não inteiramente fundados mas também não totalmente desfasados da realidade objectiva （independentemente da avaliação que possamos fazer das perspectivas subjectivas vulneráveis ao populismo）。Quanto mais educadas， mais imunes ficam as pessoas ao discurso nacional populista。Portanto， educação precisa-se。。。 para ontem。 。。。more

Roos Havinga ，

This book offers an interesting perspective on the causes of the surge of national populism， but has left out any description of the problems that follow from it。 Although the underlying trends that are described are done so thoroughly， the lack of description of the possible consequences in this book almost makes the rise of national populism seem rather positive。Interesting， but this book definitely doesn’t cover all that has to do with national populism。

Elo ，

Pigem selline 3，75

Petter Wolff ，

（read only the - longish - introduction and the final chapter）Not much new information here， it seems that it is written mainly to try to lift the veil from the eyes of the liberal elite。 Can't say if it will， although I myself agree broadly with the arguments。Its four "reasons" for the rise of national populism （and， no， they do not mean "fascism" or "deplorables" here） are Distrust （of the political system）， Destruction （of national cultural values）， Deprivation （worse economic outcomes for th （read only the - longish - introduction and the final chapter）Not much new information here， it seems that it is written mainly to try to lift the veil from the eyes of the liberal elite。 Can't say if it will， although I myself agree broadly with the arguments。Its four "reasons" for the rise of national populism （and， no， they do not mean "fascism" or "deplorables" here） are Distrust （of the political system）， Destruction （of national cultural values）， Deprivation （worse economic outcomes for the working and middle classes） and De-alignment （between people and parties）。 Maybe this is a useful model。The "what's next" chapter is basically: the mainstream will be dragged towards the national populist agenda - it's here to stay and not a flash mob event。Yeah。 Not groundbreaking in my book。 And no insights on how the effects might be mitigated， unless there's room to move mainstream politics from its rut （see: Distrust）。So， the two stars is not a grade towards the writing or the research or the theory construct; but just the value to me， personally， at this point in time。 。。。more

David ，

20th century fascism had different faces， depending on the country: British fascism was different from Spanish fascism。 It took different forms， but there are common elements that any student of Political Science could describe。 One of the premises of the book is that national-populism is not fascism， something I do not agree with。 It has different elements than twentieth century fascism， but the same basic characteristics are found。Otherwise， the book describes the factors that have driven this 20th century fascism had different faces， depending on the country: British fascism was different from Spanish fascism。 It took different forms， but there are common elements that any student of Political Science could describe。 One of the premises of the book is that national-populism is not fascism， something I do not agree with。 It has different elements than twentieth century fascism， but the same basic characteristics are found。Otherwise， the book describes the factors that have driven this global resurgence and how the political arena has changed with the rennaicense。 A challenge for democracy， which will last for years。 We'll see。 。。。more

Ravanagh Allan ，

Look， if you’re into an academic recap of everything a knowledgeable man ought to already know about the Western backlash against the mass-problems of the mass-importation of the Third World into White countries， it might be for you; but to me it’s just stale and obvious and unintelligent。 I didn’t finish it。

Gosia ，

Fenomenalna książka o polityce， która tłumaczy czytelnikowi， dlaczego obecnie scena polityczna w Europie wygląda tak， a nie inaczej i dlaczego populizm święci na niej triumfy。 Autorzy poświęcają sporo czasu na wytłumaczenie roli internetu i mediów społecznościowych w procesach demokratycznych， zwracają również uwagę na fakt， że populizm jako taki został zdemonizowany przez media， które przynależne są do strony jego oponentów。 Niezależnie od poglądów politycznych， książka ta powinna być lekturą d Fenomenalna książka o polityce， która tłumaczy czytelnikowi， dlaczego obecnie scena polityczna w Europie wygląda tak， a nie inaczej i dlaczego populizm święci na niej triumfy。 Autorzy poświęcają sporo czasu na wytłumaczenie roli internetu i mediów społecznościowych w procesach demokratycznych， zwracają również uwagę na fakt， że populizm jako taki został zdemonizowany przez media， które przynależne są do strony jego oponentów。 Niezależnie od poglądów politycznych， książka ta powinna być lekturą dla każdego - tłumaczy bardzo wiele obserwowanych przez nas procesów i powinna dać do myślenia tym， którzy chcą pokonać populistyczną falę i wciąż dziwią się， dlaczego im nie wychodzi。 。。。more

Lewis ，

3-4 [somewhere in that range， I am not sure]This book is confusing。 It makes a impassioned argument that the roots of national populism can be found in primarily subjective feelings about relative deprivation compared to those outside of the "national group" （i。e。 immigrants）， a strong feeling of detachment from the political process， and economic inequality。 In many areas， Eatwell and Goodwin's arguments are lucid， especially in the economic and political involvement sphere。 Yet， the authors ta 3-4 [somewhere in that range， I am not sure]This book is confusing。 It makes a impassioned argument that the roots of national populism can be found in primarily subjective feelings about relative deprivation compared to those outside of the "national group" （i。e。 immigrants）， a strong feeling of detachment from the political process， and economic inequality。 In many areas， Eatwell and Goodwin's arguments are lucid， especially in the economic and political involvement sphere。 Yet， the authors take the time to dismiss national populism as simply an economic phenomenon。 Indeed， using stats， polls， and research studies they demonstrate that many， many people in Europe and the US feel deeply uncomfortable about immigration， often attributing their economic plight to that immigration。 Yet， and as other reviews here on Goodreads point out， Eatwell and Goodwin also take the time to， partially by implication and partially directly， that the views of national populist parties are neither racist nor explicitly bad。 They seem to make the argument that suspicion of， specially Muslim， immigrants has a good basis in liberal democratic thought， and that national populist parties have no interest in tearing apart the democratic system （indeed， they claim that national populists would see the state become 'more democratic' referencing referendums）。 Such a conclusion ignores the situations occurring in Hungary， in Poland， and the way in which nation populists receive funding and support from nations such as Russia to undermine the system of domestic democracy so important to the modern state。 Further， Eatwell and Goodwin suggest that voters who support national populists are right to advocate for a reduction in protections for minority groups if it furthers some idea of "democracy" （i。e。 they seem to say that national populists， and the "lite" versions thereof who build policies to prevent their mainstream parties from sliding into irrelevance， reflect a feeling from the populous that the current democratic system does not represent them）。 That view may indeed have a basis in reality， and few would argue that the current democratic settlement is truly representative， but the book risks legitimising the degradation of minority rights in favour of preventing a broader backlash， without exploring alternative ways of fixing the system so opposed by national populists。 On the flip side， however， the authors also spend chapters focusing on the economic causes of national populism， from inequality of wealth and development to a lack of sociol-economic representation among certain groups （especially non-degree holding white workers）。 There is little doubt in my person opinion that this plays a huge role， however the authors are careful to reject the idea that economics are the sole causes。 Instead， as mentioned， a subjective feeling of being 'left behind' economically， socially， and politically in certain groups has led to a rapid rise in national populist thought。 Overall， I have problems with this book。 They overly-excuse and apologise for national populist parties who have been involved with disgusting， often explicit racism and xenophobia。 At the same time， exploring and properly outlining why such groups have support in such large parts of the electorate is vital in any attempt by mainstream parties to fight back against that tide， and in that the authors are accomplished in focus。 Recommended to political nerds， and anyone with an interest in gaining an alternative view on the rise of national populism。 。。。more

Geoffrey Kelley ，

It is always important to read books that do not support one’s own point of view。 The premise behind this examination of “ national populism” is an important one。 We can continue to bemoan the fact that Donald Trump is the President of the United States， or that Boris Johnson is the Prime Minister of a Brexiting Great Britain， or deplore political developments inHungary， Poland， Brazil， and other countries where populism has taken hold。 But Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin set out to understand It is always important to read books that do not support one’s own point of view。 The premise behind this examination of “ national populism” is an important one。 We can continue to bemoan the fact that Donald Trump is the President of the United States， or that Boris Johnson is the Prime Minister of a Brexiting Great Britain， or deplore political developments inHungary， Poland， Brazil， and other countries where populism has taken hold。 But Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin set out to understand the forces in society that underlie these political currents。 They gather their arguments into four “Ds”—distrust， destruction， deprivation， and de-alignment。 Much of their reasoning is based on the erosion of trust/support in the political， cultural， social and economic elites， coupled with a perceived cultural threat， notably by the waves of immigrants and refugees altering host societies。 This has led to historic realignments in politics， including working class support for Brexit in the UK or the rise of Donald Trump in the USA。 So， I think the quest in this book is valuable。 However， I strongly object to the glossing over of some of the negative attitudes and trends that “ national populism” promotes。 It is fine to try to define the reaction to immigration as a cultural threat， but too often this is merely a cover for overt racism， towards Blacks， Muslims， Asians， etc。 To dismiss Trump’s egregious statements about Mexicans during the 2016 presidential campaign as mere electoral excess is disingenuous。 His recent handling of the popular reaction to the death of George Floyd， his “evenhanded” approach to the white supremacists in Charlottesville， and other examples point to pure dog-whistle messages to racism in America。 To disguise this as “ cultural fears” and therefore somehow legitimate is dishonest。 Many books have tried to explain the “left behinds” more successfully than this book。 David Goodhart （ “The Road to Somewhere”）， Arlie Russell Hochschild （“Strangers in their Own Land”）， and Nicholas Kristofer and Sheryl WuDunn（“Tightrope:Americans Reaching for Hope”） have given a human face to the distress caused by global economic changes and the impoverishment of large segments of our societies。 These problems are real。 But the Eatwell and Goodwin book paints a cosmetic portait of the “ left behinds’” world view。 The warts were excluded。 。。。more

Harley Wykes ，

A really good analysis of the causes and effects of National Populism。

Reference

google book https://www.google.com/search?tbm=bks&q=National Populism: The Revolt Against Liberal Democracy

hathitrust digital library https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/ls?q1=National Populism: The Revolt Against Liberal Democracy&field1=ocr&a=srchls&ft=ft&lmt=ft

The British Library https://bll01.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/discovery/search?query=any,contains,National Populism: The Revolt Against Liberal Democracy&tab=LibraryCatalog&search_scope=Not_BL_Suppress&vid=44BL_INST:BLL01&lang=en&offset=0