Economics

The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty

The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty

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  • Create Date：2021-08-26 09:53:54
  • Update Date：2025-09-06
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  • Author：Daron Acemoğlu
  • ISBN：024131433X
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Summary

'As enjoyable as it is thought-provoking' Jared Diamond

By the authors of the international bestseller Why Nations Fail， based on decades of research， this powerful new big-picture framework explains how some countries develop towards and provide liberty while others fall to despotism， anarchy or asphyxiating norms - and explains how liberty can thrive despite new threats。

Liberty is hardly the 'natural' order of things; usually states have been either too weak to protect individuals or too strong for people to protect themselves from despotism。 There is also a happy Western myth that where liberty exists， it's a steady state， arrived at by 'enlightenment'。 But liberty emerges only when a delicate and incessant balance is struck between state and society - between elites and citizens。 This struggle becomes self-reinforcing， inducing both state and society to develop a richer array of capacities， thus affecting the peacefulness of societies， the success of economies and how people experience their daily lives。

Explaining this new framework through compelling stories from around the world， in history and from today - and through a single diagram on which the development of any state can be plotted - this masterpiece helps us understand the past and present， and analyse the future。

'In this highly original and gratifying fresco， Daron Acemoglu and Jim Robinson take us on a journey through civilizations， time and locations。 Their narrow corridor depicts the constant and often unstable struggle of society to keep the Leviathan in check and of the Leviathan to weaken the cage of norms。 A remarkable achievement that only they could pull off and that seems destined to repeat the stellar performance of Why Nations Fail' Jean Tirole， Nobel Laureate in Economics， 2014

'Another outstanding， insightful book by Acemoglu and Robinson on the importance and difficulty of getting and maintaining a successful democratic state。 Packed with examples and analysis， it is a pleasure to read' Peter Diamond， Nobel Laureate in Economics， 2010

'The Narrow Corridor takes us on a fascinating journey， across continents and through human history， to discover the critical ingredient of liberty。 It finds that it's up to each of us: that ingredient is our own commitments， as citizens， to support democratic values。 In these times， there can be no more important message - nor any more important book' George Akerlof， Nobel Laureate in Economics， 2001

'How should we view the current challenges facing our democracies？ This brilliant， timely book offers a simple， powerful framework for assessing alternative forms of social governance。 The analysis is a reminder that it takes vigilance to maintain a proper balance between the state and society - to stay in the 'narrow corridor' - and avoid falling either into statelessness or dictatorship' Bengt Holmstrom， Nobel Laureate in Economics， 2016

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Reviews

Saleem ，

It is a fascinating read。 This follows their excellent work ‘Why Nations Fail’ i。e。 corruption and exploitation of the people。 The authors promulgate a cogent and credible theory that explains why few states provide citizens with security and other services within an environment of liberty and why others do not。 The book goes into great detail in examining the evolution of society and how different polities have balanced or failed to balance the power between State and Society。 It then makes use It is a fascinating read。 This follows their excellent work ‘Why Nations Fail’ i。e。 corruption and exploitation of the people。 The authors promulgate a cogent and credible theory that explains why few states provide citizens with security and other services within an environment of liberty and why others do not。 The book goes into great detail in examining the evolution of society and how different polities have balanced or failed to balance the power between State and Society。 It then makes useful recommendations on what real balance looks like。 。。。more

Martin Lábaj ，

The narrow corridor is a way to prosperity in the middle of the struggle between chaos （anarchy or stateless society） and order （totalitarian and despotic state）。 D。 Acemoglu and J。 Robinson re-discovered the interplay between these fundamental forces for a socio-economic development in a way that Jordan B。 Peterson （Beyond Order: 12 More Rules For Life， 12 Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos） did for personal development。 Its much superior to Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power， Prosperity， The narrow corridor is a way to prosperity in the middle of the struggle between chaos （anarchy or stateless society） and order （totalitarian and despotic state）。 D。 Acemoglu and J。 Robinson re-discovered the interplay between these fundamental forces for a socio-economic development in a way that Jordan B。 Peterson （Beyond Order: 12 More Rules For Life， 12 Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos） did for personal development。 Its much superior to Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power， Prosperity， and Poverty， entangled to ancient myths and political thinkers that articulate the dangers of omnipotent and despotic rulers， the fate of societies bind up with a cage of norms， as well as the fragile way to prosperity in the middle。 It helps us to understand and interpret the current and historical events and development paths of nations。 It gives us hope that a mobilized society can enforce checks and balances of the state and conquer the Despotic Leviathan that is lurking round the corner。 。。。more

Ali Hashemian ，

Not mine:دالان باریک: دولت‌ها، جوامع و سرنوشت آزادی جدیدترین کتاب نویسندگان اثر پرمخاطب چرا ملت‌ها شکست می‌خورند؟، سفری در دل تاریخ جذاب و گاهی هولناک ملت‌ها است تا از این رهگذر دیدگاه نویسندگان کتاب در باب علل سرنوشت متفاوت کشور‌ها در عبور از راه باریک آزادی را ارائه دهد。چرا بعضی از جوامع می‌توانند به آزادی دست یابند و بعضی نمی‌توانند؟ چرا جوامعی که به آزادی دست می‌یابند می‌توانند این آزادی را به سادگی از دست بدهند؟ مشکل از کجاست؟ از دولت یا از مردم؟ آیا دولت‌ها مانع آزادی می‌شوند؟ آیا مردم در Not mine:دالان باریک: دولت‌ها، جوامع و سرنوشت آزادی جدیدترین کتاب نویسندگان اثر پرمخاطب چرا ملت‌ها شکست می‌خورند؟، سفری در دل تاریخ جذاب و گاهی هولناک ملت‌ها است تا از این رهگذر دیدگاه نویسندگان کتاب در باب علل سرنوشت متفاوت کشور‌ها در عبور از راه باریک آزادی را ارائه دهد。چرا بعضی از جوامع می‌توانند به آزادی دست یابند و بعضی نمی‌توانند؟ چرا جوامعی که به آزادی دست می‌یابند می‌توانند این آزادی را به سادگی از دست بدهند؟ مشکل از کجاست؟ از دولت یا از مردم؟ آیا دولت‌ها مانع آزادی می‌شوند؟ آیا مردم در رسیدن به آزادی نمی‌توانند هیچ نقشی داشته باشند و باید منتظر این بمانند که دولت‌ها آزادی را به آنها هدیه کنند؟ دارون عجم‌اوغلو و جیمز رابینسون به این سوال‌ها پاسخ می‌دهند。 اما نحوه پاسخ‌دهی آنها به این سوال‌ها بسیار مهیج است。 آنها هر بخش از کتابشان را با ارائه مثال‌هایی دقیق از دو هزار سال قبل از میلاد مسیح گرفته تا به امروز شروع می‌کنند。 。。。more

Daniel ，

Grand theory of everything with no predictive precision。 Apparently the US state has too much power over citizens （see Snowden revelations）， but also too little （see gun ownership）。 Only two MIT professors could get away with it。

David Dickman ，

Like Benjamin Franklin said during the development of our democracy， "We are a Republic if we can keep it"。 That is the theme of this book as it goes through the history of different civilizations and shows how difficult it is to find the balance between our liberty and a functioning society。 It explains that liberty emerges only when society is mobilized， people actively get involved in politics， and holds its own against the state and the elites。 It's an important book that I would encourage a Like Benjamin Franklin said during the development of our democracy， "We are a Republic if we can keep it"。 That is the theme of this book as it goes through the history of different civilizations and shows how difficult it is to find the balance between our liberty and a functioning society。 It explains that liberty emerges only when society is mobilized， people actively get involved in politics， and holds its own against the state and the elites。 It's an important book that I would encourage all to study so we can hold unto our precious democracy which cannot be taken for granted。 。。。more

Gurhan uysal ，

Has a very good idea， and sharing lots of knowledge but it’s too long， and bored me a lot

Jose Miguel Porto ，

In “Why Nations Fail？” These authors argued that in the absence of inclusive institutions states shall fail。 Failed states thus work for the benefit of a minor elite and extracting wealth from the majority of the population。 But for there to be prosperity， a centralized state is mandatory to address all public needs， such as justice， security， public services， public infrastructure， among others。 This centralized state， the “Leviathan”， faces two opposing forces， one tending to benefit the rulin In “Why Nations Fail？” These authors argued that in the absence of inclusive institutions states shall fail。 Failed states thus work for the benefit of a minor elite and extracting wealth from the majority of the population。 But for there to be prosperity， a centralized state is mandatory to address all public needs， such as justice， security， public services， public infrastructure， among others。 This centralized state， the “Leviathan”， faces two opposing forces， one tending to benefit the ruling minority （leading to a Despotic State） and another when the majority population is stronger than the state （leading to “Stateless” societies）。 A balance in the “Narrow Corridor” leading to a “Shackled State” is required where the state is strong enough to pursue its goals to support society， but not strong enough to create a Despotic Leviathan。 The population has a crucial role in using institutions， democracy and freedom to always keep the leviathan in check， thus， “shackled”。 。。。more

Lordoftaipo ，

More than a book on political theory， this is also a book for understanding global history through the lens of their theoretical framework。 The approach of addressing a country in a handful of pages is not uncriticised; the chapter on China that I’m familiar did occur to me reductive （factually harmless）。 Once I prepped myself for reading a brief history of the world， the critical feeling was assuaged。Liberty is comprised of many freedoms， including the freedom from dominance。 To achieve liberty More than a book on political theory， this is also a book for understanding global history through the lens of their theoretical framework。 The approach of addressing a country in a handful of pages is not uncriticised; the chapter on China that I’m familiar did occur to me reductive （factually harmless）。 Once I prepped myself for reading a brief history of the world， the critical feeling was assuaged。Liberty is comprised of many freedoms， including the freedom from dominance。 To achieve liberty， the authors contend that a state should behave as shackled leviathan， that is within “the corridor”。 A strong and capable state that monopolises violence could ensure security and stability; it could also lay a threatening hand on dissension and our freedoms。 The latter kind corresponds to a despotic leviathan。 A shackled leviathan should exhibit liberty， and bring persistent and efficient growths which is absent in the despotic leviathans。 Despotic growths will eventually fade， because ideas and innovations are constantly subject to the whims of the despot。 At the other end， it is absent leviathan， characterised by a missing centralised power。 Instability， incohesion， nongrowths， or all of them creep in。How to get into the corridor， that is， shackle your leviathan？ The process depends on your initial phase （absent/shackled/despotic）， among other factors。 Unlike the Hobbesian state-building， a strong state in reality does not set the seal on prosperity。 Hayek has his points when he argues against “all exclusive， privileged， monopolistic organisation”。 Likewise， it does not bode well when the state is absent， or when there is an engrained set of social norms。 The authors propose that a healthy competition between the state and society can gradually move a country into the corridor， and dub this the Red Queen effect。 However， in an adversarial state-society relationship， also called the “zero-sum” Red Queen effect， country would experience a democratic backsliding。 Examples are interwar Germany， postwar Chile， and the populist states。 Germany and Chile had recovered from the downfalls not without a nudge by their memories of having been in the corridor。 But the colonial history of Rhodesia bestowed on Nigeria， had created a fragmented society which continues to be the nemesis of the Red Queen effect。 India has been gridlocked by caste， despite being the largest democracy and enjoying a long democratic tradition。 The marriage between Saud and Wahhab remains a great obstacle to liberalisation in Saudi Arabia。 I surmise that a score of countries and city-states have been studied。 No two similar tracks have been observed。 You might call these history classes facile， while I think the authors are brilliant。 As long as they get the facts straight （which they did）， a digest comes in handy for a novice like me。All these lessons shed light on planning a country。 The Red Queen effect requires people to form coalitions， and keep the state checked。 Sweden is the model country。 After the Great Depression， a socialist party SAP emerged there， dissimilar to most of Europe。 The SAP in stark contrast to other socialist parties， rejected communism， joined hands with the middle class， and enacted labour law reforms。 The coalition had allowed greater state capacity and stronger cohesion — the Red Queen effect in action。 Sweden developed what we came to call social democracy。 Similarly social democratic， Denmark has clearly showcased a general trust in institutions。 When Danish government had data retention law in breach of EU’s directive， surveys showed that their people seemed rather unconcerned about misuse of data。 The key to success of the Nordic model might in fact be the Red Queen effect。 The authors keep repeating that shackling is not automatic; staying in the corridor is a work in progress。 Society should stay alert about any attempt of domination。 Liberty cannot realise when the power of a state is unchecked and unleashed to the fullest。 I agree that innovations of idea are quintessential to an alert and bonded society。 Acemoglu and Robinson have created this theory。 Normal people could turn it into a tool for discussing current issues and keep ourselves posted。 。。。more

Pedro dos Santos ，

One of those examples where the sequel is better than the original （Why Nations Fail）。

Srihari ，

There are some books on what happened before， and others on what happens after， and a another on what's happening now。 But only a select few link all of help you understand the world a little better。The Narrow Corridor” States， Societies， and the Fate of Liberty， by MIT economist Daren Acemoglu and political scientist James A Robinson is one of those few。 Drawing upon the concept of the 'Leviathon' by Thomas Hobbes， the authors assess the history， economics and politics of nations to understand There are some books on what happened before， and others on what happens after， and a another on what's happening now。 But only a select few link all of help you understand the world a little better。The Narrow Corridor” States， Societies， and the Fate of Liberty， by MIT economist Daren Acemoglu and political scientist James A Robinson is one of those few。 Drawing upon the concept of the 'Leviathon' by Thomas Hobbes， the authors assess the history， economics and politics of nations to understand what differentiates nations where citizens have liberty from those which do not。 They make a case that the society and the state must balance its powers through checks and balances to achieve true liberty。 If the state gets more powerful， the resultant 'despotic leviathon' may actively repress its citizens aspirations。 On the other hand， an all-powerful society without a state in the form of an absent leviathan is equally undesirable。 Therefore， the state and the society must move together， and bypass contemporary challenges in order to create a 'shackled leviathan'， which represents a truly desirable society。 How states failed or succeeded in achieving this ‘narrow corridor’ between the despotic and absent leviathans forms the crux of the book。 The best part about the book was how the author gave empirical evidence of every claim made。 The examples taken are diverse， from the Qin dynasty china， to Shaka Zulus Africa， and the US in the age of the founding fathers。 Every segment is explained so vividly， that it feels like an enjoyable lesson in history and philosophy。 However， I did feel like the authors at times try to explain complex economic situations a little too simply。 While the correlations may be right to an extent， I did at times feel that a single factor cannot explain the complex socio-economic situation of a country。 For ex， on their analysis of India， they blamed the lack of liberty solely on the ‘cage of norms’ built by the caste system， without speaking about other factors such as systemic corruption， authoritarian tendencies and enabling archaic laws。 Because of this， even though I do not know about the situation in other countries， I am inclined to take the authors cause-effect reasoning with a pinch of salt。 Nonetheless， it is a great read to understand the broader implications of historical decisions， and to understand why some states are the way they are today。 。。。more

Gerben ，

Takes sooooooooo long to make a point。 Nice historical examples but could have just as well been a paper。

Mika ，

Acemoğlu and Robinson start with Hobbes' famous "Leviathan"， the state that controls citizens and prevents anarchy。 The authors show that this Leviathan， while providing security， can have despotic tendencies， so society needs to limit its powers。 This leads them to conclude that there is a fine balance （or a narrow corridor） between state power and citizens' power。 Most of the book is a series of "case studies" that illustrate different aspects and pathways into and out of the corridor。What I l Acemoğlu and Robinson start with Hobbes' famous "Leviathan"， the state that controls citizens and prevents anarchy。 The authors show that this Leviathan， while providing security， can have despotic tendencies， so society needs to limit its powers。 This leads them to conclude that there is a fine balance （or a narrow corridor） between state power and citizens' power。 Most of the book is a series of "case studies" that illustrate different aspects and pathways into and out of the corridor。What I liked about this book:- It underlines that democracy， freedom of speech etc。 are not going to happen unavoidably。 Rather， it is more likely that despotic states， such as China and Russia， might be the norm tomorrow if not today。- The case examples are well-written with lots of interesting details about different cultures。What I disliked about this book:- Similar to "Why Nations Fail"， the book has a lot of repetition。 In the previous book， it felt like every other word was "institutions"， here the word "Leviathan" is ever present。 The overarching metaphor/framework is very simple， so it becomes quite tedious to read similar explanations of it in every chapter。 。。。more

Mkessler ，

Difficile de ne pas être fascine par l'ampleur de l'érudition des auteurs ， la diversité de leurs références historiques et géographiques Mais。。。 difficile d'être convaincu également。Le cadre conceptuel est trop large ， et laisse s'échapper des questions clés et classiques sur le rôle de la guerre dans la formation de l'état ， la concurrence entre élites， etc。Ils ont lu et médité des références classiques comme Tocqueville ou Marx sur les relations entre État et société， mais je n'ai pas l'impre Difficile de ne pas être fascine par l'ampleur de l'érudition des auteurs ， la diversité de leurs références historiques et géographiques Mais。。。 difficile d'être convaincu également。Le cadre conceptuel est trop large ， et laisse s'échapper des questions clés et classiques sur le rôle de la guerre dans la formation de l'état ， la concurrence entre élites， etc。Ils ont lu et médité des références classiques comme Tocqueville ou Marx sur les relations entre État et société， mais je n'ai pas l'impression qu'ils avancent de manière décisive sur le cadre théorique， qui reste trop vague。C'est un livre malgré tout utile pour recadrer d'un côté les partisans de la "capacité étatique" qui ignorent ses dangers， et de l'autre les libertariens ou les Scottiens qui croient à une société sans état。 。。。more

Christianne ，

DNF。 Two stars for the interesting historical anecdotes。 Otherwise， a long disappointment。 With the sloppy logic and cherry picking examples， what could have been an interesting book became a poor excuse for scholarship。 I might even say intellectually dishonest at times， but I’m not sure if the habit of proposing a rule of thumb （e。g。 the Laffer curve）， inundating the reader with sometimes relevant （but always very interesting and richly textured） historical details from a couple chosen eras， a DNF。 Two stars for the interesting historical anecdotes。 Otherwise， a long disappointment。 With the sloppy logic and cherry picking examples， what could have been an interesting book became a poor excuse for scholarship。 I might even say intellectually dishonest at times， but I’m not sure if the habit of proposing a rule of thumb （e。g。 the Laffer curve）， inundating the reader with sometimes relevant （but always very interesting and richly textured） historical details from a couple chosen eras， and then returning to the rule of thumb as though proven， is devious or just overly eager。 Most disappointing is， for all their talk of “path dependencies” and the “cage of norms” they fail to explore how the specific material history of a place might distinguish one example from another， nor explore behavioural science insights into norms。 Finding the book without enough substance to be able to functionally converse on it， my book club unanimously decided to abandon it part way through - so possibly the end of the book redeems it。Tl;drdespots and state collapse bad， low taxes and private property rights good 。。。more

Kurtuluş Atasever ，

Kitap okuması kolay olduğu kadar çok yoğun bilgi içermektedir。 Kitabın okunmasını kolaylaştıran etken ana fikrin onlarca örnekle sürekli tekrarlanmasıdir。 Aynı zamanda anlatılan devlet oluşumunun ve gelişiminin tarihi gibidir çünkü örnekler antik Yunan dan başlar ve günümüze kadar gelir。 Kitabın 3 ana ayağı vardır。 Despotik devlet， olmayan devlet ve prangalanmis devlet。 Bunlar arasından denetim mekanizmalarının etkin olduğunu toplum tarafından prangalanmis devleti önermektedir。 Bunun toplumun ve Kitap okuması kolay olduğu kadar çok yoğun bilgi içermektedir。 Kitabın okunmasını kolaylaştıran etken ana fikrin onlarca örnekle sürekli tekrarlanmasıdir。 Aynı zamanda anlatılan devlet oluşumunun ve gelişiminin tarihi gibidir çünkü örnekler antik Yunan dan başlar ve günümüze kadar gelir。 Kitabın 3 ana ayağı vardır。 Despotik devlet， olmayan devlet ve prangalanmis devlet。 Bunlar arasından denetim mekanizmalarının etkin olduğunu toplum tarafından prangalanmis devleti önermektedir。 Bunun toplumun ve devletin kapasitesini arttıracağını öne sürer aynı zamanda Batı'nın demokrasi anlaşına uymaktadır。Sonuç olarak bana göre nefis bir anlatı ve yorum ortaya koymuştur yazarlar。 。。。more

Andrew ，

Acemoğlu and Robbinson are gifted at spinning grand social and political theories together。 The Red Queen Effect described in this book has merit as a useful mental model to describe the creative tension the state and society are in。 However， the book is significantly overwritten。 Paragraphs drone on， dripping in historical narratives and details that aren't always required to make the intended point。 I found the colorful commentary on political shenanigans entertaining。 However， I was always wo Acemoğlu and Robbinson are gifted at spinning grand social and political theories together。 The Red Queen Effect described in this book has merit as a useful mental model to describe the creative tension the state and society are in。 However， the book is significantly overwritten。 Paragraphs drone on， dripping in historical narratives and details that aren't always required to make the intended point。 I found the colorful commentary on political shenanigans entertaining。 However， I was always wondering if it isn't somewhat facile to hang grand theories on the arc of national development and argue that this frame is the one true explanation of national tendencies （e。g。 despotism introduced by Shang and counterbalancing Confucian reforms）。 Overall， enjoyable， but not re-readable。 。。。more

Chiseke Chiteta ，

I found this book a bit hard to read。 I would normally not have read this book if I didn't have to write a book review （about 50 pages） for my undergrad economics studies。 However， I do plan to reread it soon and hopefully， I won't find it hard going。 It wasn't all bad though。 Interesting perspectives were brought forth and hopefully when I read it again， I will find it more interesting。 I found this book a bit hard to read。 I would normally not have read this book if I didn't have to write a book review （about 50 pages） for my undergrad economics studies。 However， I do plan to reread it soon and hopefully， I won't find it hard going。 It wasn't all bad though。 Interesting perspectives were brought forth and hopefully when I read it again， I will find it more interesting。 。。。more

Iulian Ștefan ，

O carte excelentă， mai ales dacă ai citit înainte și "De ce eșuează națiunile"。Nu mi-a plăcut， faptul că uneori， au lungit destul de mult， prezentarea și argumentarea ideilor și concluziilor。 O carte excelentă， mai ales dacă ai citit înainte și "De ce eșuează națiunile"。Nu mi-a plăcut， faptul că uneori， au lungit destul de mult， prezentarea și argumentarea ideilor și concluziilor。 。。。more

Costea Bogdan ，

Brilliant piece of work！ A must read for everyone in this world because it makes you understand， with really good examples， why many countries nowadays are at their current state regarding their social， economic， or political problems （ India， Columbia， USA， Saudi Arabia， etc。）。 The book can be at some points hard to read for more than 50 pages a day， but in the end it pays off。 At the end of the book， you should be able to understand the situation of your country if it entered in the Corridor o Brilliant piece of work！ A must read for everyone in this world because it makes you understand， with really good examples， why many countries nowadays are at their current state regarding their social， economic， or political problems （ India， Columbia， USA， Saudi Arabia， etc。）。 The book can be at some points hard to read for more than 50 pages a day， but in the end it pays off。 At the end of the book， you should be able to understand the situation of your country if it entered in the Corridor or not。 SPOILER: it should be！ 。。。more

Denis Vasilev ，

Книга про отношения государства - Левиафана и гражданского общества。 Слабый - война всех против всех， сильный - пожирание государством общества。 Интересна часть касающаяся Китая - почему исторически китайское государство безжалостно к своим гражданам и что с этим делать

Hossein Ghafoori ，

مسلما انتقادات زیادی به نگاه نویسندگان وارد است، اما تلاش برای یافتن یک مدل تکرارپذیر برای رشد جوامع و تعادل میان حکومت/مردم‌ها امر لازمی است که به رشد جوامع بشری کمک می‌کند。 ضمن اینکه با خیلی جاهای کتاب می‌شود همراه و هم‌دل بود。 خلاصه اینکه کاملا ارزش خواند را دارد。。 نسخه دیجیتال ارزان‌قیمت‌ش را هم می‌شود در طاقچه پیدا کرد؛ از دو انتشارات مختلف:https://taaghche。com/book/70128/راه-ب。。。وHttps://taaghche。com/book/71697/دالان。。。 مسلما انتقادات زیادی به نگاه نویسندگان وارد است، اما تلاش برای یافتن یک مدل تکرارپذیر برای رشد جوامع و تعادل میان حکومت/مردم‌ها امر لازمی است که به رشد جوامع بشری کمک می‌کند。 ضمن اینکه با خیلی جاهای کتاب می‌شود همراه و هم‌دل بود。 خلاصه اینکه کاملا ارزش خواند را دارد。。 نسخه دیجیتال ارزان‌قیمت‌ش را هم می‌شود در طاقچه پیدا کرد؛ از دو انتشارات مختلف:https://taaghche。com/book/70128/راه-ب。。。وHttps://taaghche。com/book/71697/دالان。。。 。。。more

Charlie Ormiston ，

Their framework is compelling。 While we all have an intuitive understanding of the “despotic state” leading to the “totalitarian state”， the other side of the corridor， the “cage of norms”， was very thought-provoking。 How their description of liberal democracies / “shackled Leviathons” navigating between these two forces helped me understand so many historical and current situations。 It reinforced my view that， while I wish everyone could live in a functioning democracy， it just isn’t going to h Their framework is compelling。 While we all have an intuitive understanding of the “despotic state” leading to the “totalitarian state”， the other side of the corridor， the “cage of norms”， was very thought-provoking。 How their description of liberal democracies / “shackled Leviathons” navigating between these two forces helped me understand so many historical and current situations。 It reinforced my view that， while I wish everyone could live in a functioning democracy， it just isn’t going to happen in most parts of the world， and certainly cannot be “imposed。” My only disappointment was a fairly weak closing chapter on “what this means for the future。” In an era of digital enablement the prescription for “more government” seems less compelling then “more effective government。” Where I live， Singapore， provides compelling examples of the State becoming more effective and efficient in so many areas — healthcare， traffic fines， tax collection， etc。 。。。more

Anchi ，

Overall I like this book more than their previous book， Why Nations Fail。 The structure of The Narrow Corridor is clearer with great examples illustrated。 Personally I agree with most examples used in the book， especially for western Europe， but I would be conservative on my opinions on the case of China。

Tuğba Bayar ，

Leviathan’ın eli kolu nasıl bağlanır konusunda tarih temelli bakış açısı ve örnek zenginliği ışığında derslerle dolu， bir miktar didaktik bir eser。 Bugünün Türkiyesi perspektifli okuyunca demokrasi koridorundan ne noktada çıktık/nasıl dönülüre dair çok ipucu var。 Örnek üstüne örnek okumak ise bir noktada usandırıcı oluyor。

Antti Värtö ，

Some states have lots of power， so they get things done; others not so much。 And some societies are active and challenge the authority of the state; others， for one reason or the other， don't。 If the state is strong and the society weak， you get totalitarianism， or what the authors call "Despotic Leviathan"。 If the society is strong but the state is weak， you have anarchy or a stateless society （"Absent Leviathan"）。 If both are weak， you get something that looks like a state， but doesn't really Some states have lots of power， so they get things done; others not so much。 And some societies are active and challenge the authority of the state; others， for one reason or the other， don't。 If the state is strong and the society weak， you get totalitarianism， or what the authors call "Despotic Leviathan"。 If the society is strong but the state is weak， you have anarchy or a stateless society （"Absent Leviathan"）。 If both are weak， you get something that looks like a state， but doesn't really perform it's functions well （"Paper Leviathan"）。 And finally， if both are strong， you get to be in the eponymous narrow corridor where everything is just hunky dory （"Shackled Leviathan"）。 There。 That's it。 I just saved you from reading a rather dull 500-page book。Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power， Prosperity， and Poverty was an instant classic and I enjoyed it a lot， despite it's limitations。 But Narrow Corridor is much inferior。 It's main thesis is interesting and plausible， and digesting it will give you some insights into why some nations prosper and others don't。 But really， this main thesis could be explained in a 10-page essay。 The remaining 490 pages are basically filler。 The authors repeat the same points over and over and fill the pages with interminable historical trivia， which often has very little to do with the main point of the book。 The authors also have a theory why Europe was able to move into the narrow corridor， while it's been harder in other places around the world: since Western Europe inherited strong institutions from the Roman Empire but also strong communal norms from the German tribes。 That's why Iceland， that only had the German but not the Roman influence， didn't really develop into a nation but devolved into a stateless society。 Oh yes， Iceland， that prime example of stateless societies。 The authors don't seem to realise that none of the Scandinavian countries they so praise in the later pages fit their theory: none of them were part of the Roman Empire。 This is pretty weak。 。。。more

Will ，

"A common factor in the history of the demise of Italian communes and the overthrow of the Weimar and Chilean democracies is the power and opposition of landed interests， which made the corridor narrower and led to an increasingly polarized society。 The Red Queen effect， in turn， became much more of a zero-sum， existential fight rather than a race between state and society that advanced the capacities of both。 This is visible in the Italian case from the fact that the elites started fighting not "A common factor in the history of the demise of Italian communes and the overthrow of the Weimar and Chilean democracies is the power and opposition of landed interests， which made the corridor narrower and led to an increasingly polarized society。 The Red Queen effect， in turn， became much more of a zero-sum， existential fight rather than a race between state and society that advanced the capacities of both。 This is visible in the Italian case from the fact that the elites started fighting not just to increase their standing against the communes but to destroy them， and the communes came to view coexistence with the elites as impossible， preferring autocracy to the elites' creeping influence。Machiavelli summed this up well in The Prince when he observed that'the people do not wish to be commanded or oppressed by the nobles， while the nobles do desire to command and to oppress the people。 From these two opposed appetites， there arises in cities one of three effects: a principality， liberty， or licence。 A principality is brought about either by the common people or by the nobility， depending on which of the two parties has the opportunity。 When the nobles see that they cannot resist the populace， they begin to support someone from among themselves， and make him prince in order to be able to satisfy their appetites under his protection。 The common people as well， seeing that they cannot resist the nobility， give their support to one man so as to be defended by his authority。'Macchiavelli is in fact identifying a force propelling many modern-day movements sometimes labeled 'populist。' Though the term originates with the late nineteenth-century U。S。 Populist movement， exemplified by the People's Party， its recent specimens， even if diverse， disparate， and lacking a generally agreed definition， do have some common hallmarks。 They include a rhetoric that pits the 'people' against a scheming elite， an emphasis on the need to overhaul the system and its institutions （because they are not working for the people）， a trust in a leader who （supposedly） represents the people's true wishes and interests， and a repudiation of all sorts of constraints and attempts to compromise because they will stand in the way of the movement and its leader。 Contemporary populist movements， including the National Front in France， the Freedom Party in the Netherlands， the Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela （United Socialist Party of Venezuela） started by Hugo Chávez， and the Republican Party refashioned by Donald J。 Trump in the United States， all have these features， as did the earlier fascist movements （though they augmented them with a stronger militarism and fanatical anticommunism）。 As in the case of the Italian communes， the elite may in fact be scheming and against the common people， but the idea that a populist movement and its all-powerful leader will protect the people's interests is just wishful thinking。" 。。。more

Tianxiao ，

本书的核心就是帮助读者理解书的标题：国家与社会如何决定自由的命运。作者列举了世界上很多国家的历史和现状，说明在国家机器、社会精英、平民之间维护一个微妙的力量平衡，对于国家进入一个自由的生活状态是至关重要的。当然，这种自由在世界范围内，并非已经普及，更非必然，因此称其为「自由的窄廊」。分析已经身处窄廊中的国家和正在被独裁与宰割中的国家，社会结构、经济结构都是这些差别的原因。而自古留下来的群体意识的遗产，更是犹如一种“神秘的力量”施加了巨大的影响。回望东西方数千年走来的路，一路上充斥着暴力、血腥和动荡，但也总有人修剪为数不多的路边风景。人类社会当下的样子，已经是持续抗争的结果。但这不是终局。通向自由的窄廊，必然不是坦途。

Wolfgang ，

They propose some interesting and entertaining hypotheses。 However， it really lacks depth as they discuss cases across 4 continents over 3，000 years。 Nobody is an expert for Chinese， Roman， Latin American， African， Arab and Middle Eastern history。 Each case thus feels a bit shallow。 For example， they make the case that Western European democracies are a rather direct result of the structure of Germanic tribes and the Roman empire。 I can agree with a certain path dependency but there is much more They propose some interesting and entertaining hypotheses。 However， it really lacks depth as they discuss cases across 4 continents over 3，000 years。 Nobody is an expert for Chinese， Roman， Latin American， African， Arab and Middle Eastern history。 Each case thus feels a bit shallow。 For example， they make the case that Western European democracies are a rather direct result of the structure of Germanic tribes and the Roman empire。 I can agree with a certain path dependency but there is much more to the current status than events which happened 2，000 years ago。 。。。more

Bennzke ，

Really interesting read， sometimes I felt like things could be more detailed， especially towards the end。 But it is really well researched and most chapters are very interesting and insightful。Since I don't have detailed knowledge on a lot of the countries that are discussed I cannot say this with certainty but sometimes it felt like the authors were cherry-picking a bit to support their theory。 Really interesting read， sometimes I felt like things could be more detailed， especially towards the end。 But it is really well researched and most chapters are very interesting and insightful。Since I don't have detailed knowledge on a lot of the countries that are discussed I cannot say this with certainty but sometimes it felt like the authors were cherry-picking a bit to support their theory。 。。。more

Mwangi J Mbogo ，

Very illuminating The book goes to great detail in examining the evolution of society and how different polities have balanced or failed to balance the power between State and Society。 It then makes useful recommendations on what real balance looks like。 This book is a must read for anyone in the governance space。 Whether public sector or private。

Reference

google book https://www.google.com/search?tbm=bks&q=The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty

hathitrust digital library https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/ls?q1=The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty&field1=ocr&a=srchls&ft=ft&lmt=ft

The British Library https://bll01.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/discovery/search?query=any,contains,The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty&tab=LibraryCatalog&search_scope=Not_BL_Suppress&vid=44BL_INST:BLL01&lang=en&offset=0