Never Ending Nightmare: The Neoliberal Assault on Democracy

Never Ending Nightmare: The Neoliberal Assault on Democracy

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  • Create Date:2021-05-06 11:57:22
  • Update Date:2025-09-06
  • Status:finish
  • Author:Pierre Dardot
  • ISBN:1786634740
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Summary

How do we explain the strange survival of the forcesresponsible for the 2008 economic crisis, one of the worst since 1929? How do we explain the fact that neoliberalism has emerged from the crisis strengthened? When it broke, a number of the most prominent economists hastened to announce the ‘death’ of neoliberalism。 They regarded the pursuit of neoliberal policy as the fruit of dogmatism。

For Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval, neoliberalism is no mere dogma。 Supported by powerful oligarchies, it is a veritable politico-institutional system that obeys a logic of self-reinforcement。 Far from representing a break, crisis has become a formidably effective mode of government。

In showing how this system crystallized and solidified, the book explains that the neoliberal straitjacket has succeeded in preventing any course correction by progressively deactivating democracy。 Increasing the disarray and demobilization, the so-called ‘governmental’ Left has actively helped strengthen this oligarchical logic。 The latter could lead to a definitive exit from democracy in favour of expertocratic governance, free of any control。

However, nothing has been decided yet。 The revival of democratic activity, which we see emerging in the political movements and experiments of recent years, is a sign that the political confrontation with the neoliberal system and the oligarchical bloc has already begun。

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Reviews

luja

Dardot offers a counter-narrative of neoliberalism to how it has been canonized by now, analyzing how it constitutes both a rationale in macroeconomics and a structural, all-encompassing movement whose logic greatly differs from the classical liberal tradition (in that sense, Dardot is close to Foucault, whose critical stance seems to be crucial for his understanding)。 Once examined theoretically and historically, neoliberal imaginarium and its protagonists are rather vilified in Dardot's eyes。B Dardot offers a counter-narrative of neoliberalism to how it has been canonized by now, analyzing how it constitutes both a rationale in macroeconomics and a structural, all-encompassing movement whose logic greatly differs from the classical liberal tradition (in that sense, Dardot is close to Foucault, whose critical stance seems to be crucial for his understanding)。 Once examined theoretically and historically, neoliberal imaginarium and its protagonists are rather vilified in Dardot's eyes。By analyzing the destinies of Greek Syriza, Spanish Podemos, etc。, Dardot also wants to propose an extensive, widely organized movement of resistance, believing in the bottom-to-top approach that would truly demonstrate the power of democracy。 。。。more

Benji Rust

This is not a particularly optimistic take on the political terrain we find ourselves on in the early 21st Century。 As they surmise themselves, “It is dark。” That, however, is a strength。 You will find very little faux optimism here, a perennial feature of much writing on the left, but a serious attempt to theorize where we are and how to move forward。Michel Foucault, the doyen of poststructuralism, for all his many faults was one of the first to point out that neoliberalism, admittedly a rather This is not a particularly optimistic take on the political terrain we find ourselves on in the early 21st Century。 As they surmise themselves, “It is dark。” That, however, is a strength。 You will find very little faux optimism here, a perennial feature of much writing on the left, but a serious attempt to theorize where we are and how to move forward。Michel Foucault, the doyen of poststructuralism, for all his many faults was one of the first to point out that neoliberalism, admittedly a rather imprecise term, involved the construction of a distinctive subjectivity。 Another French philosopher-historian, Pierre Rosanvallon, agreed, arguing that fraternity had been cast aside by this new ethos in favor of a rapacious individualism。 It has, however, arguably been Dardot and Laval that have provided the most thorough articulation of the notion that neoliberalism has consisted not only of state-assisted privatization but, perhaps more importantly, the crafting of a new form of identity as the norm of existence, where we feel somehow defective if we lack the necessary drive to transform ourselves into a successful brand。 They describe this as an ‘entrepreneurial rationality’, worming its way into not only the state but our very concept of who we are。 In this seemingly never-ending nightmare, “the most unbridled capitalist instinct mingles with every kind of identitarian ireedentism” and “:an absolute submission to transcendence” where “democracy is emptied of its substance without being formally abolished。” This environment cultivates an abject narcissistic ethos of the self, in which we are meant to be ever more flexible and constantly preoccupied with reinvention, all ultimately, of course, for the benefit of transnational capital。 This has been accompanied, both as cause and effect, by the demobilization of the left in any traditional sense, which suffers from a debilitating “lack of any imaginary。” This has enabled an emboldened right, just as identitarian in its own ways as the left, which has been able to exploit these weaknesses and pose as an anti-establishment alternative。 The final part of this book attempts to address this and is in many ways the weakest。 Rejecting any ‘party form’, they soon sink into rather imprecise talk of constructing ‘international democratic blocs’ and ‘global opposition arenas。’ The weaknesses and failures of convention ‘party’ organisations on the mainstream and far left are clear for all who have eyes to see, but then so is the ultimate failure of non or anti-party formations such as the Social Forum and Occupy Movements, which sound very similar to the sort of trans-national, broadly-based oppositional movements they are putting forward as alternatives。 That they do not fully address this is certainly a weakness, although their sober articulation of the scale of the problem is to be welcomed。 。。。more

Leif

Yeah, amid the coruscating depthlessness that is political digestion garbed as critical theory, there's much of value here。 Dardot and Laval are strong thinkers and deeply enmeshed in broad-strokes European political economy - and, refreshingly, they aren't shy from a gratifying side-swipe here and there。 But I found myself adrift in the often locationless assertions about theoretical constructs and, when the converation turned to specificities, such as the threatened and unwilling Grexit, Dardo Yeah, amid the coruscating depthlessness that is political digestion garbed as critical theory, there's much of value here。 Dardot and Laval are strong thinkers and deeply enmeshed in broad-strokes European political economy - and, refreshingly, they aren't shy from a gratifying side-swipe here and there。 But I found myself adrift in the often locationless assertions about theoretical constructs and, when the converation turned to specificities, such as the threatened and unwilling Grexit, Dardot and Laval had little fresh to offer。 So that was a little disappointing。It's a short book and it's sometimes "stodgy", as one might say of a cake。 Still, for their own brand of Foucauldian diagnosis focused on European neoliberalism and ordo-liberalism, the two are on solid ground。 。。。more

Nathan Fisher

quick & not not fun, the stuff that is a popularizing summary version of well-rehearsed left approaches to neoliberalism is fine, but y’know, wade through some predictable Foucauldian nonsense against Marxism, w/e I should be less prudish

Steffi

If you can only read one book this summer, I’d recommend you read this one。 Also a great title and potentially theme for your post-romantic beach holidays with your formerly exciting partner and children “Never-Ending Nightmare: The Neoliberal Assault on Democracy” (VERSO, 2019, original French 2016)。 (Just kid-ding, guys!)Now why is this such a great read? I think it’s fairly obvious, even to the most ignorant, that we have entered a ‘great regression’ with a gamut of actually existing right-wi If you can only read one book this summer, I’d recommend you read this one。 Also a great title and potentially theme for your post-romantic beach holidays with your formerly exciting partner and children “Never-Ending Nightmare: The Neoliberal Assault on Democracy” (VERSO, 2019, original French 2016)。 (Just kid-ding, guys!)Now why is this such a great read? I think it’s fairly obvious, even to the most ignorant, that we have entered a ‘great regression’ with a gamut of actually existing right-wing alternatives to liberal democracy。 And while the far-right is upping its nationalist and xenophobic rhetoric and attacks, it’s the so-called defenders of liberal democracy and European values who fortify their borders knowing that thousands of the global destitute die of thirst in the desert or drown in the sea (I read somewhere there’s two refugees dying in the desert foe each drowning in the sea)。 While the free movement of capital has become an almost religious mantra and somehow an expression of freedom (lol), the movement of people is becoming ever more restricted。 As ‘we’ force (or encourage trough conditional loans in the guise of reforms) African countries to remove capital controls, we also force them to close their borders。 These two ‘freedoms’ have to be thought of together。 But this is just an aside。The book is among those voices that argue that we have seen another metamorphosis of neoliberalism since the global financial crisis where neoliberalism no longer needs its democratic image。 The post global financial crisis authoritarianisms we see, say in the form of Trump or Orban, are not alternatives to neoliberalism but ‘we are living in a moment when neoliberalism secretes from within an original political form that combines anti-democratic authoritarianism, economic nationalism and expanded capitalist rationality’。 The book aims to make explicit this ‘original political form’ and advocates a dynamic conception of neoliberalism, which continues to undergo mutations as crises arise, it feeds on the crises it produces。 Neoliberalism is a mode of governance that is fueled and radicalized by its own crises and governs through crises。 The Eurogroup’s response to the ‘Greek crisis’ was probably the most eye-opening manifestation of this mutation towards authoritarian neoliberalism where real power is concentrated in the hands of the economically most powerful at the expense of the mass of citizens。 The troika’s dealing with Syriza in 2015 (who may be voted out of power at today’s snap election) was an expression of what the author calls ‘necropolitics’ where unelected elites (IMF, ECB etc) rule through debts and hold the power of life or death over a financial system and thus governments, rendering the popular will or democracy meaningless。 However, debt is but one of the ‘techniques’ of neoliberal power (here the authors borrow some of Foucault’s insights on the techniques of neoliberal governance) and tools of discipline (e。g。, logic of competition, maintaining the ‘confidence of financial markets and rating agencies’)。 The book provides a timely reminder of neoliberalism’s key strategy to rule through dismantling democracy through the constitutionalizing of what was formerly political – ie subject to popular will – starting with the German model of making the central banks independent of the government thus removing monetary policies from the popular will, which the EU recently also extended to fiscal policy (laws on balanced budgets etc) so that we’re essentially left with hollowed out democratic shells where everything that matters is already written in various treaties and laws of supranational structures (EU, WTO, free-trade agreements) and constitutions。This ‘economic discipline’ also accelerated the dismantling of social democracy who continues to be unwilling or unable to transcend the discourse of the ‘what’s economically feasible’ thus buying into neoliberal rationality。 The answer should not be to devise policies that are ‘affordable’ within the current socio-economic framework but questioning the framework altogether。 When Bernie was asked in last week’s debate how he’s going to pay for medicate for all, he didn’t fall for it。 He simply said that tens of millions of people will push for an end to corporate greed and for their human right to health care。 If the left enters the neoliberal terrain of ‘economic rationality’ and costed policy proposals within existing parameters, it has already lost。 While neoliberalism makes everything look as if it were economic, it’s actually political。 Overcoming neoliberalism will not happen through an adjustment to taxation and the minimum wage, it requires a political revolution because that’s what the elites have been carrying out over the past decades, for the past ten years or so, the masks have come off。 。。。more